Remaining Issues Concerning *r̥

Abstract

Thepreceding chapters haveprovideduswith the frameworkwithinwhich various kinds of remaining evidence for *r̥ can be discussed. The purpose of the present chapter is to tie up these loose ends. First, I will discuss three sorts of potential counterevidence against a regular reflex ‐αρ‐ in Ionic-Attic: words with ‐ρα‐ < *r̥ before ‐σ‐ (section 9.1), three problematic verbs with a root of the structure CraC‐ (section 9.2), and some possible evidence for o-vocalism in Ionic-Attic (section 9.3). Next, I will look at the evidence for two special environments in all dialects: *‐r̥‐before nasals (section 9.4) and word-final *‐r̥ (section 9.5), in both cases with special attention to relative chronology. Further possible evidence for the reflex ‐αρ‐ in isolated nominal formations is gathered in section 9.6, where some additional examples are presented. Finally, I will give an overview of remaining evidence that can be left aside for various reasons (section 9.7).