{"title":"Gaze selects the next speaker in answers to questions pronominally addressed to more than one co-participant","authors":"P. Auer","doi":"10.1075/il.21002.aue","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/il.21002.aue","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Like many other languages, but unlike modern (standard) English, German has a distinct second person plural pronoun\u0000 (ihr, ‘you guys’), contrasting with the second person singular pronoun (du). The second person plural\u0000 pronoun addresses a turn to more than one, and possibly all co-present participants. This paper investigates turn-taking after such multiply\u0000 addressed turns, taking as an example information-seeking questions, i.e., a sequential context in which a specific next action is relevant\u0000 in the adjacent position. It might appear that in such a context, self-selection applies (Schegloff\u0000 1992: 122); more than one co-participant is addressed, but none selected as next speaker. In this paper, I show on the basis of\u0000 spontaneous interactions recorded with mobile eye-tracking equipment that this is not the case and that TCU-final gaze is employed to select\u0000 the next speaker. The participant not being gazed at TCU-finally is addressed, but not selected as the answerer in next position and may\u0000 provide an answer in a sequential position after the first answer. The article demonstrates that gaze is an efficient way to allocate turns\u0000 in the absence of verbal cues and thus contributes to our understanding of turn-taking from a multimodal perspective.","PeriodicalId":210541,"journal":{"name":"Interactional Linguistics","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133958988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Positionally-sensitive action-ascription","authors":"Arnulf Deppermann, Alexandra Gubina","doi":"10.1075/il.21005.dep","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/il.21005.dep","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 Schegloff (1996) has argued that grammars are\u0000 “positionally-sensitive”, implying that the situated use and understanding of linguistic formats depends on their\u0000 sequential position. Analyzing the German format Kannst du X? (corresponding to English Can you\u0000 X?) based on 82 instances from a large corpus of talk-in-interaction (FOLK), this paper shows how\u0000 different action-ascriptions to turns using the same format depend on various orders of context. We show that not only\u0000 sequential position, but also epistemic status, interactional histories, multimodal conduct, and linguistic devices\u0000 co-occurring in the same turn are decisive for the action implemented by the format. The range of actions performed with\u0000 Kannst du X? and their close interpretive interrelationship suggest that they should not be\u0000 viewed as a fixed inventory of context-dependent interpretations of the format. Rather, the format provides for a\u0000 root-interpretation that can be adapted to local contextual contingencies, yielding situated action-ascriptions that\u0000 depend on constraints created by contexts of use.","PeriodicalId":210541,"journal":{"name":"Interactional Linguistics","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123955209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Parental lip-smacks during infant mealtimes","authors":"S. Wiggins, L. Keevallik","doi":"10.1075/il.21006.wig","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/il.21006.wig","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The lip-smack is a communicative sound object that has received very little research attention, with most work\u0000 examining their occurrence in nonhuman primate interaction. The current paper aims to dissect the social potential of lip-smacks\u0000 in human interaction. The analysis examines a corpus of 391 lip-smack particles produced by English-speaking parents while feeding\u0000 their infants. A multimodal interaction analysis details the main features: (1) rhythmical production in a series, (2)\u0000 facial-embodied aspects, and (3) temporal organisation. Lip-smacks occurred in prosodically grouped chains of mostly 3 or 5\u0000 particles, with accompanying facial expressions, and were co-ordinated with the infants’ chewing. They highlight the mechanics of\u0000 chewing while framing eating as a pleasant interactional event.\u0000 The paper contributes not only to the distinctly social functions of a sound object hitherto ignored in\u0000 linguistics but also to research on interactional exchanges in early childhood and their potential connection to the sociality of\u0000 nonhuman primates.","PeriodicalId":210541,"journal":{"name":"Interactional Linguistics","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121962960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Early collaborations","authors":"Lyle Lustigman","doi":"10.1075/IL.20007.LUS","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IL.20007.LUS","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The present study examines the development of ‘but’-introduced clauses in adult-toddler conversations,\u0000 distinguishing between autonomous productions (I wanna stay but we need to go) and adult-child\u0000 co-constructed uses (Adult: we’re going home, Child: \u0000 but I wanna stay). Analyses\u0000 covered all adult and child aval ‘but’ uses in three longitudinal Hebrew corpora (age-range: 1;5–3;3), showing\u0000 that: (1) both adults and children mostly use aval ‘but’ in co-construction rather than autonomously; (2) adults\u0000 begin co-constructing ‘but’-clauses with children months before the children start using ‘but’, mostly by elaborating on\u0000 single-word child productions before adding the ‘but’-clause (Child: \u0000 cup\u0000 , Adult:\u0000 \u0000 that’s a cup, but you don’t like juice); (3) as children start combining more clauses,\u0000 adults gradually conjoin more ‘but’-clauses directly with the children’s productions, without elaboration (Child: let’s\u0000 go. Adult: \u0000 but first put on your shoes). These patterns suggest that the main function\u0000 of ‘but’-clauses in adult-child discourse is co-constructing ideas contributed by two (or more) interlocutors. Such\u0000 co-constructions are initially scaffolded by the adults, until the children are able to contribute full-fledged propositions to\u0000 co-constructions. These findings provide further evidence of the role of adult-child interaction in introducing and familiarizing\u0000 children with new linguistic structures, and advancing their developing grammar.","PeriodicalId":210541,"journal":{"name":"Interactional Linguistics","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124713752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Language over time","authors":"E. Couper-Kuhlen","doi":"10.1075/IL.20008.COU","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/IL.20008.COU","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper demonstrates how the tools of Interactional Linguistics can be applied to the study of change in\u0000 language use. It examines the particle OKAY as used in everyday American English interaction at two different points in time, the\u0000 1960s and the 1990s/early 2000s. The focus is on the remarkable increase of OKAY as a response in epistemically driven sequences.\u0000 Three uses of epistemic OKAY are identified in the newer data, one of which is unattested in the older data: OKAY in response to\u0000 information that has no implications for the recipient’s agenda or expressed beliefs. This novel use of OKAY appears in the newer\u0000 data where OH would have occurred earlier, although OH is still attested with displays of affect such as surprise and empathy. The\u0000 study concludes by arguing for an examination of ‘possibility spaces’, the set of options for filling a given sequential slot in\u0000 conversational structure, at different points in time as a means for identifying changes in language use.","PeriodicalId":210541,"journal":{"name":"Interactional Linguistics","volume":"138 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116366947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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