{"title":"Verbal Ablaut and Obstruent Alternations in Old Persian","authors":"Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.167","url":null,"abstract":"1. Since most Proto-Indo-European *-y%presents are reconstructed with zero-grade of the root and stress on the suffix, and Old IndoAryan presents in -yaand Avestan presents in -iiamostly exhibit reflexes of zero-grade, one would expect Old Persian presents of this type to follow the same pattern of root ablaut.1 Unfortunately, the notorious ambiguity of the OP cuneiform orthography often makes it difficult to determine whether a given formation contains fullor zero-grade. Thus passive forms such as impf. a-g-r-b-i-[y] (DB II 73) 'he was seized', n-i-y-p-i-[6-]i-[y] (DB IV 91) 'it was written down', and a-Q-h-y (DB I 20.23-4, DNa 20, DSe 19), a-6-h-i-y (XPh 18) 'it was said', pres. lpl. 6-h-y-a-m-h-y (DB I 7, DBa) 'we are called' could represent either zero-grade [a-gsrb-iya], [niy-a-pi6-iya], [oah-sya-] (~ [0ah-iya-]) or full-grade [a-grab-iya], [niy-a-pai6-iya], [Ganh-aya-] (~ [6anh-iya-]).2 As for a-j-n-i-y [a-jan-iya] 'was formed' (DSf 29) and a-v-n-i-y [a-vaniya] 'was poured in' (DSf 25.29), these could continue either zero-grade *jn-ya-, *wn-yaor full-grade *jan-ya-, *wan-ya-. Not surprisingly, the classic handbooks leave the question open, or offer conflicting views. In his discussion of Proto-Iranian *-yapresents in OP, Bartholomae (1896: 83) notes simply that \"[b]ei den Formen aus anund arWurzeln ist es nicht immer moglich zu entscheiden, ob sie hierher oder zu §147 [full-grade + *-ya-] gehoren, da einerseits idg. nn und axn in an, andererseits /r, f und axr zu ar zusammengefallen sind\"; as an example from a Car root, he gives amariyata 'died'. Meillet/ Benveniste (1931: 114) likewise state oi mariy athat \"la vocalisation mar-, adoptee ici, n'exclut pas mr-\"' similarly Duchesne-Guillemin 1950: 638 fn.2 (*amiyata or *amaryata). Brandenstein/Mayrhofer (1964) postulate a full-grade root in fraOiyais and patiyafrasiya, but zero-grades in ag(a)rbiya, amariyata (\"d. i. a-miyata\"), niyapifojifyaj, and Oahyamahiy (s.w.). However, in the case of k(a)riya-, passive of kar'do, make', Brandenstein sets up zero-grade \"akariya < a-kf-ya\" (50), and Mayrhofer full-grade (129).","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128220592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Beating, Hacking, and Spitting: Germanic Contributions to the Question of Acrostatic d-Presents in Proto-Indo-European","authors":"R. Gordon","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.258","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.258","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are a number of Germanic Class VII strong verbs that display rootvowel -a- in the present tense in conjunction with stem-final -t, most of which also share common semantic ranges denoting either motion or vigorous or violent activity. It has been suggested that this shared set of distinctive characteristics may be the traces of a discrete group of verbal d-presents that constituted a sub-class of acrostatic o/e-presents in Proto-Indo-European. In this paper I scrutinize these verbs and their Indo-European cognates against the light of this hypothesis. I conclude that there is adequate evidence from Germanic to infer the existence of such a verbal class, but further investigation in the other branches of Indo-European is needed.","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"185 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114850487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The etymology of Latin focus and the devoicing of final stops before *s in Proto-Indo-European","authors":"R. Matasović","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.212","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"123 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128937385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Radici Indoeuropee inizianti in *#V-, l'esistenza di *a- primaria e l'esito di #H3e- in anatolico","authors":"L. Alfieri","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133139829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Syntax und Wortarten der Lokalpartikeln des Rgveda. XII: ví","authors":"A. Casaretto","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2011.124.1.134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2011.124.1.134","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung 1. Die Grundbedeutung von vi ist ,auseinander' mit den Kontextvarianten ,weg, fort' und ,durch'. Daneben steht die LP auch in reziproken Konstruktionen. 2. In der Mehrzahl der Falle ist kein Bezugsnomen (BN) neben vi vorhanden; die semantische Referenz wird statt dessen durch die Textdeixis bzw. das Weltwissen geleistet. 3. In Syntagmen mit BN sind der Ablativ, Akkusativ, Lokativ, Dativ, Genitiv und Instrumental belegt. 4. Unabhangig von ihrer Grundbedeutung ist die syntaktische Perspektive der neben vi belegten Verben meist translativ und entspricht somit der eines Bewegungs- oder Transportverbs. 5. Die LP vi steht bevorzugt adverbal. 6. Neben dem Absep sowie den meisten Zielkasus scheint vi weglassbar zu sein. Neben dem Isep und Aer ist das Vorhandensein der LP dagegen obligatorisch. 7. Syntaktische Einordnung und Wortart: In adnominaler Konstruktion ist vi attributiver oder appositiver Satellit; nur neben dem Isep und dem Aer teilt die vi-Phrase einige Eigenschaften mit einer Adposition...","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122417331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Tum mihi prima genãs: Phraséologie et étymologie du Latin pubes","authors":"R. Garnier","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.181","url":null,"abstract":"Le lat pūbēs, -is f. \" poils pubiens \" et \" classe des jeunes gens puberes \" releve du vieux fond du vocabulaire latin. Il fonctionne nettement comme un collectif. Son accointance avec le vocabulaire de l'agriculture (au sens de \" duvet des plantes \") releve d'une phraseologie ancienne, dont on peut produire maints exemples. Il en va de meme pour l'inchoatif pūbēscō \" se revetir de duvet \" qui se dit egalement des hommes et des plantes. Gage d'archaisme, il existe un adjectif sigmatique pūbēs, -ĕris \" couvert de duvet, pubere \". Cette famille obscure s'avere totalement immotivable a l'interieur du latin, et le manque de donnees comparatives directes conduit a de prudentes reserves ou bien a une accumulation d'hypotheses ingenieuses mais engagees sans fondement et sans perspective. Il est expedient de partir d'un ancien compose en *°bʰ(w)-ḗs incluant la racine i.-e. *bʰuH- \" croitre, pousser \". Il faut admettre que ce compose reflete une construction a l'instrumental \" se revetir de (duvet) \". Ce type est illustre par le gr. θριξὶ πeφῡκέναι \" etre couvert de poils \". On connait le modele corrolaire incluant l'accusatif de la partie du corps (gr. πώγωνα φύeιν \" avoir la barbe qui pousse \"). Le latin possede des tours a l'instrumental (flōribus / pampinīs pūbēscere \" se revetir de fleurs / de pampres \"). L'etude du dossier conduit a poser pour le lat. pūbēs, -ĕris \" couvert de duvet, pubere \" un ancien compose hypostatique sur theme d'instrumental. On admettra un etymon i.-e. *Hp-u-h1-bʰ(w)-ḗs \" qui se revet de duvet / d'une toison \" en relation avec le collectif *Hp-u-h1 bʰ(w)-ḗy f. \" couche de duvet, poils pubiens \" et \" classe des jeunes gens puberes \". Ces deux formes refleteraient un modele syntaxique restituable comme i.-e. *Hp-u-h1 bʰuH- \" se revetir de duvet \".","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116532648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Caland system and the Germanic third weak verb class","authors":"J. Dishington","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.297","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The core stative verbs of the Gmc. 3rd weak class, whose stem is controversially reconstructed as *-ē- or *-ai-, do not, it is argued, continue PIE primary verbs but rather arose as denominatives that encapsulated the morphosyntactic properties of their base noun. Caland system relics in the lexical families of these verbs imply the Caland decasuative mechanism in Pre-Gmc. The likely starting point was 3sg. *-eh1-ye-ti, from the instr. sg. -eh1 of a root noun X and meaning 'is by/with X'. As oblique cases of root nouns were replaced in Gmc. by thematic dat. sg. -ai and instr. sg. -ō, Pre-Gmc. denominative verb stem -eh1- (-ē-) would likewise be renewed to Gmc. -ai- or -ō-, the latter opening up a transfer path for verbs from the 3rd weak ai-class to the 2nd weak ō-class. The 1st weak ja-forms found in some 3rd weak verbs likely arose via a different path offered by existing \"paradigm-overlap\" rules. Eventual loss of decasuative productivity explains why stative 3rd weak verbs, always few in numbe...","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134544754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Patterns of vowel reduction in Latin: phonetics and phonology","authors":"Kanehiro Nishimura","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2010.123.1.217","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on phonetic and phonological details of vowel reduction in Latin both diachronically and synchronically. True, the reality of phonetics and phonology in dead languages is often disguised by orthography, which is frequently incomplete particularly in inscriptions. (Even in modern languages, such as English and Russian, the orthography rarely reflects such vocalic alternation caused by reduction.) Yet with utmost care (cf. Coleman 1962: 103), the detailed processes of vowel reduction can be disclosed, as will be shown in what follows. There are different mechanisms of vowel reduction between","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126348023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}