{"title":"['The spirit has left the bottle': the medieval Arabic physician 'Abd al-Latĭf ibn Yŭsuf al-Baghdădĭ: his medical work and his bizarre affiliation with twentieth-century spiritualism].","authors":"N Peter Joosse","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The Arabic physician 'Abd al-Latĭf ibn Yŭsuf al-Baghdădĭ, lived at the crossroads of the twelfth and the thirteenth century. His unbridled curiosity and his unquenchable thirst for knowledge of any kind brought him to far-away countries and regions and put him in contact with all sorts and conditions of people. The great Egyptian famine of the years 1200-1202 enabled him to study and examine thousands of human cadavers and skeletons at first hand. This led to a new understanding of the anatomical structure of the human body, and rejected the more or less antiquated ideas of the Greek doctor Galen of Pergamum. However, 'Abd al-Latĭf's vision was granted only a short life. After his death, his discovery sank into oblivion and as a consequence it was never again mentioned in Arabic medical manuals. From then on the Arabic physicians once more referred to the anatomical data which were developed and taught by Galen. Relatively few specimens of his remaining medical work were preserved for posterity. However, his Book of the two advices (or: K. al-Nasĭhatain) is of the utmost importance as a source for the medical thinking and the medical treatment in the late twelfth and the early thirteenth century A.D. During the years following World War I, 'Abd al-Latĭf's name reappeared within the spiritualistic movement in England. He became known as Abduhl Latif the great Persian physician and acted as a control of mediums. Until the late sixties, he practised the art of healing as the head of a medical mission somewhere in the Spheres.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"30 4","pages":"211-29"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"27414954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[The unicorn and the pharmacists. Early modern views on the presumed anti-toxic effects of unicorn horn].","authors":"W P Gerritsen","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Around 1600, the age-old belief in the anti-toxic effect of unicorn horn began to be called into question. This is evidenced by the views of two well-known French pharmaceutic authorities whose publications are discussed in this paper: the surgeon Ambroise Paré (1510-1590), court physician to four French kings, and the Montpellier pharmacist Laurent Catelan (1568-1647), who owned a famous cabinet de curiosités. Although Paré had to accept, however reluctantly, the existence of the unicorn (since it is mentioned in the Bible), he vehemently denied the supposed medicinal effect of unicorn products. He defended his position by an appeal to ancient and contemporary authorities, by rational argumentation, and by experiment. Paré's arguments failed to convince Catelan, who adhered to an alternative, so-called spagyric, medical theory of neoplatonic inspiration, as propagated by Paracelsus and Ficino. Catelan remained convinced of the efficacity of unicorn horn, which in his view could drain the human body from any poisonous substance. The medical establishment being reluctant to give up a rewarding source of income,'unicorn' remained much in demand as a prescription.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"30 1","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29165357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Creating a 'Germanic' public health: national-socialism, human genetics, and eugenics in the Netherlands].","authors":"Stephen Snelders","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The consequences of the uses of concepts of heredity in society and health care are not simply determined. This is demonstrated by a study of Dutch National Socialist doctors and biologists in the Second World War. During the German occupation of the Netherlands SS-biologist W.F.H. Stroër (1907-1979) and SS-doctor J.A. van der Hoeven (1912-1998) attempted to create a eugenic research and health care institute in the Netherlands. Heredity was accorded a key role in National Socialist plans for reorganization of Dutch health care. The ideas of the SS-eugenicists were closely related to those of leading geneticists and eugenicists in the Netherlands. Eugenic ideas were spread among all political ideologies. As late as November 1942 cooperation between the SS and non-Nazi geneticists was still discussed. The hardening of the political climate during the war created more explicit dividing lines between them. The SS-researchers did not believe in the existence of well-defined and separated races. They rejected a purely genetic determinism and advocated measures of social hygiene next to a positive and negative eugenics in the creation of a more healthy Germanic people and a purer race. Racial and genetic concepts were not exclusively translated into eugenic policies directed at human reproduction.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"30 2","pages":"62-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29165365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Aversion to spectacles and the diffusion of optical knowledge among early modern medical practitioners].","authors":"Katrien Vanagt","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In this essay it is shown that eyeglasses were not highly recommended in medical treatises of the Early Modern times. They were often not mentioned amongst the therapeutical advices for eye disorders, or, if they were, not without a certain reluctance. It is shown how this can be understood in view of commonly held opinions about the diseased body, and the way vision takes place. Eyeglasses did not fit within the holistic remedies in use. Oculists were ambiguous too, but on different grounds: whereas the conceptual background seemed not such an issue, they considered eyeglasses as a threat towards their profession. The patient himself seemed to be seduced by the effect of eyeglasses, though some doubts about its working would also push him to try other popular remedies. The attitude of physicians gradually changed during the seventeenth century. It is argued that this can be linked to the evolution in ocular anatomy, strongly influenced by optical insights, whereby the eye is no longer considered in relation to the body, but to the world outside. Eyeglasses are thus on the edge of different discourses. It is the dynamic interaction between all of them that makes Early Modern ophthalmology so interesting and complex.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"29 1","pages":"26-40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26429457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[The boundaries of the discipline. Selection of therapies in medieval Dutch texts on surgery].","authors":"Karine van 't Land","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In the fourteenth century, a new genre of surgical texts emerged: the surgical textbook in the vernacular. They were usually written by learned authors, who had not received a university education. These authors stood for a difficult task, as the domain of learned surgery was not as clearly defined as it is nowadays. According to the learned surgeons, their uneducated competitors used quite unorthodox cures, which they presented with much bravura. Two important surgical texts in Flemish vernacular, written by Jan Yperman and Thomaes Scellinck, are investigated in this article. In which ways did the authors select cures and remedies? How did they define the outlines of the domain of learned surgery? Four criteria have been found in retrospect, which seem to have functioned as more or less subconscious guides for the selecting author: naturalness, rationality, learned experience, and effectiveness. To demonstrate this, remedies are discussed which lack one or more of the four principles. For instance, the criterion of naturalness is investigated through the surgeons' discussions of cures with an unnatural element, like charms. To conclude, it is shown that learned surgeons attacked their uneducated competitors with the aid of the four criteria. Yperman and Scellinck described empirics as using remedies which lacked these principles, thus placing themselves outside the domain of serious surgery.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"29 1","pages":"11-25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26429593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Heinrich Hoffmann's Der Struwwelpeter (1845/1859): a parody on the romantic cult of childhood].","authors":"Lies Wesseling","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article analyzes the cultural dynamics of the construction and deconstruction of childhood images, by means of a case study of Heinrich Hoffmann's classic picture book, Der Struwwelpeter (1845/1859). Childhood images are the joint product of sciences (especially anthropology, pedagogy and developmental psychology) and arts (especially painting, photography and (children's) literature). These images are historically variable, because childhood is the permanent target of idealization and demystification. This article interprets Der Struwwelpeter as a demystication of Romantic idealizations of childhood as propounded by Romantic Naturphilosophie and, more specifically, the pedagogy of Friedrich Fröbel (1772-1852). In my view, this picture book satirizes the developmentalism and the pastoryl idyll which informed the Romantic image of childhood, through its verbal and visual components. As I argue at length, this satire directly bears upon leading scientific and political controversies of Hoffmann's time.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"29 4","pages":"240-54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29166513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Musical therapy in Marsilio Ficono's Compendium in Timaeum].","authors":"Jacomien Prins","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In this article, I will discuss music therapy in Marsilio Ficino's Timaeus-commentary. Ficino's model of sound perception is reconstructed. It lays the foundation for the medical and mind-expanding function of music in his philosophy. Ficino's music therapy follows from his ideas about the harmony of the spheres, a concept that was used in Western culture well into the fifteenth century for rather static descriptions of the cosmos, mainly meant to praise God and his creation. The traditional view about celestial harmony provided hardly any possibility for active human involvement. Ficino changed this significantly when he united Platonic ideas about the music of the spheres with biblical ideas about the imprint of God's image on human beings. Thus, knowledge of the harmonic structure of the cosmos became possible. I will argue that Ficino's reconciliation of the Timaeus with the book of Genesis allowed for the connection of the ancient doctrines of cosmic harmony and the power of music. This resulted in new possibilities for music therapy.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"29 1","pages":"41-52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26429458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[The miraculous minerals of Michele Mercati. Natural history between medicine and the clergy in Rome in the second half of the Sixteenth century].","authors":"Jetze Touber","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Many Italian scholars in the sixteenth century studied minerals. This was not only for the sake of increasing geological knowledge. Minerals, like all other natural phenomena, reflected divine order. Minerals were thought of as a broader category than the lifeless substances found beneath the crust of the earth. Stones, generated in animal and human bodies, were included among minerals, as well. The appearance of kidney stones, gall stones and bladder stones in early modern mineral collections point to the religious motives of the scholars that studied them. In this article, I will examine the mineralogical collection brought together and described by Michele Mercati (1541-1593), the so-called Metallotheca. I will map the circles of physicians, scholars and ecclesiastics in which Mercati lived and functioned. I will then investigate Mercati's descriptions of stones, grown inside animals and men. The specific connections between Mercati and the members of the Oratory of Rome, an influential religious organisation of the Sixteenth century, direct us towards a proper understanding of the significance of Mercati's minerals. Certain minerals, including stones originating in animate bodies, were thought of as approaching the supernatural. The proper attitude for the scholar of nature would then be to turn from curiosity into awe and even veneration.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"29 1","pages":"53-66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2006-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26429459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[The therapeutic promises of a building. Vijverdal Community Mental Hospital 1969-2004].","authors":"Annemieke Klijn","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In 1972 the psychiatric hospital 'Vijverdal' opened its doors in Maastricht. The building of this Community Mental Hospital was reported to be 'revolutionary'. Inspired by American architectural concepts about the construction of hospitals, Vijverdal arose as a huge complex with a nine storey radial block of flats: a unique building in Dutch psychiatry. The first reactions were very positive. The imposing flat expressed psychiatric optimism and therapeutic promises. However, confronted by the dynamic developments in psychiatry at the end of the seventies, the hospital more and more appeared to be a therapeutic monstrum: the flat became a symbol of alienation and medical detachment. Adapting it to the new ideas about differentiation and de-concentration appeared difficult, however. Only in 2000 Vijverdal started a fundamental renovation. The flat will be torn down in 2006. This changing evaluation of Vijverdal makes us wonder about the biography of this psychiatric hospital. Which intentions and which psychiatric concepts inspired Vijverdal to be built? How functioned the building environment of Vijverdal in practice? Could the hospital be accommodated to the new notions and wishes about psychiatric care? Moreover, in what way did the architecture determine the history of Vijverdal? And eventually, how are new conceptions about psychiatric care translated in the present renovation and reconstruction of Vijverdal? Do therapeutic promises play a role again? The adventures of Vijverdal tell us about the risks of visionary architecture, but also that a building matters: the psychiatric patients appreciate the new houses and the privacy of a room for their own.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"28 3","pages":"115-31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26430315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Thijsse, teacher of nature, teacher of malaria].","authors":"Lies Visscher-Endeveld, Jan Peter Verhave","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The start of organised malaria control in The Netherlands originated from an epidemic that became apparent in 1919. Shortly thereafter the Commission for Malaria Control realised the need for involvement of the population in the endemic area of North-Holland province. Education and propaganda would make them alert to reduce the risk of infection and aware of the need for medical diagnosis and treatment. The commission called upon Dr. Jac. P. Thijsse, a professional educator who had just received an honorary doctor's degree at the University of Amsterdam for his excellent work on bringing nature and field biology to the attention of the general public. He had founded the Society for Nature Conservation. Thijsse was invited to write a book on malaria, for use at primary school level. The booklet was called 'About mosquitoes and malaria' and it was widely used by teachers and pupils. Thijsse was also instrumental in the making of a propaganda film on malaria and its control. It was acclaimed by visiting malariologists from abroad for its quality, and it was watched with astonishment by the people in rural North-Holland. Thijsse was a member of the scientific Malaria Commission for five years. His profound knowledge about flora and fauna made him an expert in predicting the chances of mosquito breeding in polder canals with fresh or brackish water. After his resignation he was nominated president for a committee to organise a contest for a new propaganda poster. He passed away in 1945, just before a new epidemic would strike the war-exhausted population of the coastal provinces. It would have been a disappointment to him, because he had strongly believed that the scientific and organising power of the Malaria Commission would be successful in bringing the fever curse to a halt. This epidemic was the last one, and whatever the cause, malaria had disappeared from the Netherlands in 1960.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"28 3","pages":"132-46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26430318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}