Gewina最新文献

{"title":"[Wonder matter and assassin. The perception of the asbestos danger as a mirror of the time 1930-1990].","authors":"J H M Janssen","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In the seventies and eighties of the twentieth century the ideas of the dangers concerning the use of asbestos changed dramatically. The mineral, which had, more than half a century before been introduced in the Netherlands as a miraculous mineral, was completely banned from use. Asbestos became known as a 'silent killer' and 'the blue sand of death', and as a symbol of the hidden hazards of a deteriorating environment caused by unscrupulous companies and indolent authorities. Asbestos seems to fit perfectly into the ubiquitous hazards which Ulrich Beck defines in his concept of the 'risk society' as the dangerous side effects of industrial production. Yet the perception of the risk associated with asbestos depended more on socio-cultural characteristics than on scientifically risk assessments. In the first half of the twentieth century the use of asbestos was limited and therefore did not cause any concern. Economic crisis and war silenced the first alarming signals of asbestos related disease from foreign experts and a handful of Dutch physicians. The asbestos workers themselves were held responsible for their own health and safety. In the 1951 asbestosis became recognised as an industrial disease. Preventive measures with regard to the industrial use of asbestos were prescribed by law. Workers shared the responsibilities for a safe use with employers and authorities. However, during this period, all the attention was directed towards economic growth. Supervision by the labour inspection was scarce and workers and employers were not very interested in upholding the safety measures. Among asbestos workers the use of protective clothes and dust masks was generally seen as unmanly. In the sixties the foreign literature on the connection between the exposure to asbestos and the occurrence of lung cancer and mesothelioma became known among Dutch specialists. The results of these studies were confirmed by research among Dutch insulation workers. At the same time the trade unions rejected the idea of a shared responsibility and formulated the unilateral 'right to a safe working environment', with the implication that, in their view, all unhealthy and unsafe procedures should unconditionally be banned from the workshops, including the use of asbestos. Concerned civilians, environmental lobbyists, progressive political parties and concerned scientists transformed this idea into a 'right to a safe living environment', while mass media spread the message. Asbestos was pointed out as a threat to the public health, tracked down all of its hiding places and ultimately removed. The ban on asbestos was one of the results of democratisation and emancipation movement of the late sixties and seventies. The emancipation expressed itself in an increasing intolerance to risks brought about by powerful companies and bureaucratic authorities.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"28 1","pages":"38-53"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2005-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"25166354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[Psychiatric training of nurses in the Netherlands since 1883].","authors":"G J Cecile Aan De Stegge","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article describes the development since 1883 of training nurses for working with psychiatric patients. Knowledge of this development seems to throw a new light upon the nursing history in the Netherlands. To start with, the vocational training system in psychiatric hospitals developed during exactly the same time as the hospital based educational system for so called ' general nurses'. As a result, both these vocational training routes were acknowledged as 'basic learning routes for nurses' in the Dutch Nursing Law of 1921. The general route gave to Diploma A, the psychiatric route gave access to Diploma B. This double diploma system placed the Dutch training system for nurses in an isolated position. For most other countries - as well as the International Council of Nurses - considered psychiatry as a field of work in which a nurse could specialise only after having completed a basic training programme as a general nurse. In most countries, the specialization course in psychiatry only took one year. In comparison to those systems, the Dutch programme seemed to offer psychiatric nurses more years of specific training. After World War II, however, also in the Netherlands many people advocated a one diploma system in nursing, with possibilities to specialise. Nevertheless, it took the Dutch until 1997 to introduce this new system, so it seems the old training routes were defended vehemently. Maybe an historic description of the way this psychiatric route had developed, can shed new light upon the aspects of the old educational system that one longed to preserve.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"27 2","pages":"78-99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24675197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[The rise and fall of Zander-Institutes around 1900 in The Netherlands].","authors":"Thomas Terlouw","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Around 1860 the Swedish physician dr. Jonas Gustav V. Zander (1835-1920) set himself to devise different sorts of contraptions. He believed that people who needed medical gymnastics could be treated better and more efficiently with the help of machines. His mechanistic approach can be understood in the context of the upcoming industrialisation that rapidly got a hold on Europe in this period. After a very successful presentation at the World Exhibitions in Philadelphia (1876) and in Paris (1878), the Zander-method soon caught on in the medical world and many so-called Zander-Institutes (which are very similar to the fitness-centres these days) emerged in teh bigger cities of various European countries. In the nineties of the nineteenth century Zander-therapy became very popular in The Netherlands as well. In 1894 the first Zander-Institute opened its doors in Groningen. WIthin four years another eight Zander-Institutes would follow in the major cities throughout the nation. In these institutes physical education teachers, who engaged themselves in medical gymnastics, and physicians worked closely together. This was considered to be a good development, since the domain of medical gymnastics was a heavily contested area in the field of labour in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Afer a short flourishing period almost all of the Zander-Institutes had great difficulty to survive in the first decade of the twentieth century. Both rise and fall of teh Zander-Institutes can be ascribed to a combination of factors of a scientific (with regard to the method), social (viz. legislation concerning the care of the crippled) and professional (with regard to the different strategies of the involved professions) nature. In this article these factors and teh relations between them will be described.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"27 3","pages":"135-58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24903005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[Home nursing in the Netherlands since 1950].","authors":"Hannerieke van Der Boom,&nbsp;Hans Philipsen,&nbsp;Fred Stevens","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This article describes home nursing in the Netherlands between 1950 and 2004. The developments in this period are described form the theoretical perspective on professions of Andrew Abbott: 'professions are exclusive occupational groups applying somewhat abstract knowledge to particular cases'. In 1950, home nursing was an all-round profession providing home nursing care and preventive care to all categories of patients, mainly in their own homes. It was - and still is - a profession situated in the 'periphery' of the health care system, where care and support to patients with pain, suffering and disabilities because of age or chronic illness are considered as belonging to a separate task domain, relatively independent of the mainly curative activities that are performed in the 'medical centre' of health care, especially in the academic hospitals. Typical compared to other countries is that an extensive network of private initiatives, in the form of Cross Organisations of different denominational signatures, existed in the Netherlands until 1990, covering the whole country with home nursing services. In that year, the provision of home nursing and home help were integrated and most home nursing organisations merged into large, regional home care organisations. In this article, six main social developments are described, that influenced the development of home nursing and resulted in the profession as it is now: a differentiated profession divided into different levels of care, working in an organisational, largely bureaucratic setting of home care organisations, where managers and external regional assessment organisations (RIO's) decide on the care to be provided. They now find themselves in a transmural setting, where boundaries between different forms of care no longer exist, and co-operation with other professionals, such as home helps, specialist nurses, GPs, and hospital physicians, is frequent. Currently, their professional autonomy and independent decision-making regarding diagnosis and therapy is affected, and elements of bureaucratisation and managementism (for example aspects such as time-writing) affect their daily work. However, home nursing can still be characterised as a relatively exclusive and independent profession, solving particular cases in the homes of patients by performing activities that are based on abstract, methodical knowledge.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"27 2","pages":"100-19"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24660512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[Sebald Brugmans and hospital gangrene].","authors":"Teun van Heiningen","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Sebald Justinus Brugmans, Professor at Leyden University and from 1795 on Director of the 'Geneeskundig Bureau der Bataafsche Republiek', organized all necessary facilities in the Leyden Military Hospital. His appointment, 1811, as inspector-general of the French Imperial Military Health-Service, seemed to be the next step in a brilliant career of more than 25 years. He became a leading expert in the fight against hospital-gangrene and its prevention, not in the least because of the enthusiastic reception of his treatise on gangrene (1814) in which he meticulously analyzed and explained the causes of this dreadful disease. He completed his entry with a thorough evaluation of all possible and well experienced sanitary regulations. He was convinced of the contagious character of the disease. Quite unusual at the time, he used the terms \"miasma\" and \"contagium\" interchangeably. Maybe partly for that reason, his work was instrumental in convincing most later authors that gangrene was a contagious disease. Brugmans' fame was established forever after tha Battle of Waterloo (June 1815).</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"26 4","pages":"216-33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24400470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[A battle of th health clubs in the Netherlands around 1840].","authors":"Loes van der Valk","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The discovery of a national inquiry into health funds in the 1840s gives cause to reconsider the traditional view on this subject. After a prosperous period under the guild regime commercial interests penetrated the health market. Its directors supposedly enriched themselves at the expense of both the insured and the professionals (general practitioners (gp's) and chemists). As things grew worse the government intervened and ordered an inquiry by a Select Committee. In reality things were slightly different. The debate on heath insurance was part and parcel of the pursuit of the medical profession to improve its standing. An alarming report on health funds by the Amsterdam medical commission spurred the Health Department to action. The national inquiry did not in fact corroborate the earlier report. In most parts of the Netherlands health insurance did not exist. In only two provinces - North and South Holland - taking out health insurance was an option and even there it was to a large extent in the cities. The three big cities - Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague - accounted for 51.8 percent of all funds and as much as 72.2 percent of all persons insured. Nearly all complaints in the 1840s originated from gp's in Amsterdam. Only The Hague had the same experience i.e. infringements on private practice, enrichment by the fund governors etc. The complaints were not unlike those of the English club doctors at the end of the century. In both cities commercial health funds were important, while in Rotterdam gp's had very often been founding fathers. The author has tried to put the complaints into a wider perspective by comparing commercial funds with local clubs' and gp's own fund, the AZA, founded in 1847 to combat the disputed trend. Finally commercial funds have been compared with medical relief (number of patients and paid fees). The complaints about remuneration seem exaggerated as even AZA could not afford to pay higher fees. Commercialisation had only just started, but the new funds were more successful than the older clubs. AZA, however, proved to be even more successful. In close co-operation with poor law authorities a demarcation was introduced between medical relief and the working poor who had to take out a health insurance. AZA excluded the well-to-do from participating. Amsterdam developed a brand new health insurance policy in response to the threat of commercial funds. In the early twentieth century the story was repeated on a national level in response to proposals for compulsory sickness insurance.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"26 1","pages":"22-39"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22389420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[The Dutch Red Cross and the ambulance for the Eastern Front Volunteers].","authors":"Leo van Bergen","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The Netherlands between 1940 and 1945 offer a rare example of how humanitarian neutrality works during an occupation in wartime. The Red Cross theory of silence in case of violations of human rights or international law was combined with a Dutch Red Cross practice of rightwing, anti-communist sympathies and of obedience to political and military authorities. Consequently, 'to avoid an even worse scenario', in several instances co-operation with the German occupiers was chosen above abstinence. The main example of this attitude was the help in setting up an ambulance (a mobile hospital) for the SS Eastern-Front Volunteers (EVF), against the will of some members of the DRC-board, who claimed the work of this ambulance would be all but neutral or humanitarian. But in the eyes of the most important decision-makers, medical aid was always neutral and humanitarian. Therefore the Red Cross could not do otherwise than to respond favorably to the request of the EFV. When reports were received on 'the good' the ambulance did in Southern Russia, the DRC was proud. This proves how easily a policy of medical neutrality can in times of war alter in a policy that is in fact all but neutral. After the war a discussion was started on how medical neutrality should be achieved in times of occupation. Some defended the idea that in such cases national interest should prevail above medical neutrality. However, although guidelines were set up, this position was not embraced. Medical neutrality remained the primary goal of the Dutch Red Cross, also in times of war and occupation.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"26 2","pages":"77-95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22547416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[On the artful, yet pernicious body. A cultural-historical interpretation of Bidloo's anatomical atlas].","authors":"Rina Knoeff","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Among historians of science and medicine it is well known that early modern anatomical representations, in addition to illustrating ideas on the body, also teach a moral lesson. The anatomical cabinets of Frederik Ruysch (1638-1731) are exemplary. His exhibits show 1) the divine design of the body and 2) the fragility of life and man's dependence on God for his existence. Govard Bidloo (1649-1713), in his anatomical atlas, the Anatomia humani corporis (1685), does not seem to answer this standard view on the 'moral teaching' of anatomy. It has been argued that his depictions of dead and mutilated (parts of) bodies indicate a more realistic way of representation, devoid of metaphor and morality. Yet, taking the fierce controversy between Bidloo and Ruysch as my starting point, I show that in fact there is a moral lesson in Bidloo's anatomy. It reflects two important aspects of Bidloo's Mennonite faith, i.e. the aversion against beautiful decoration and the fascination with suffering and death found in martyr stories.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"26 4","pages":"189-202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24398497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[Current thought on hereditary transmission and human genetics].","authors":"Stephen Snelders,&nbsp;Toine Pieters","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>On the basis of a review of the historiography on thought about hereditary transmission and human genetics in the 20th century in Britain, the United States, Germany, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands, a new research perspective is formulated. Concepts of heredity and their use in society have been various and diverse. Definitions of heredity and of the influence of 'nature' and 'nurture' in shaping genetic material have significantly changed. In the new research perspective the focus is directed to the role of a broad range of concepts of heredity in framing debates and practices around health, disease, and behaviour, including but not exclusively the concepts of Mendelian genetics, neo-Lamarckism', and concepts prevalent in eugenic movements. A research programme is outlined that is directed at specific problem fields in health care (e.g. alcoholism), and uses various sources to examine the historical dynamics in medical and public spheres.</p>","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"26 4","pages":"203-15"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"24398366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"[O-Ine, the first trained woman physician in Japan].","authors":"E de Jong,&nbsp;M Mulder,&nbsp;T M van Gulik","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81331,"journal":{"name":"Gewina","volume":"25 3","pages":"160-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22174331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}