{"title":"Political Partisanship, Confucian Collectivism, and Public Attitudes toward the Vaccination Policy in Taiwan.","authors":"Ming-Jui Yeh, Yu-Chun Hsieh","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11513094","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11513094","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Conventional wisdom suggests that people with a collectivist tradition tend to comply more with the government's regulatory and even coercive disease-prevention policies. Besides this socio-cultural element, political partisanship is also an important aspect relating to people's willingness to cooperate with the government. This study aims to examine the relationships between these two factors and three dimensions of vaccination policy attitudes: common responsibility to take the vaccine, the government's vaccine mandate, and indignation over anti-vaxxers.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Using the data from a nationally representative cross-sectional survey conducted in 2022 in Taiwan, this study applies multiple linear OLS regression to examine the relationships between vaccination policy attitudes and Confucian collectivism and political partisanship.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Confucian collectivism and political partisanship aligning with the ruling party are associated with supportive vaccination policy attitudes. For those who do not align with the ruling party, the negative attitudes toward the vaccination policy appear in different dimensions according to the party they lean to.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Confucian collectivism is prevalent in Taiwan and is related to public attitudes toward vaccination policy. This association is independent of political partisanship. Public health authorities should consider the socio-cultural context and political atmosphere for the effectiveness of disease-prevention measures.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141908344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pandemic Times and Health Care Exclusion: Attitudes Toward Health Care Exclusion of Undocumented Immigrants.","authors":"Cesar Vargas Nunez","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11513062","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11513062","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Most of the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States are excluded from government healthcare programs. Yet, healthcare inequities pose significant dangers to all members of society during a pandemic. This project explores to what extent undocumented immigrants, in the context of a pandemic, can be seen as deserving of access to government healthcare programs.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>The first survey experiment explores whether work ethic can affect perceptions of undocumented immigrants as deserving of government healthcare programs. The second survey experiment tests to what extent appeals to fairness and self-interest, during a pandemic, shape healthcare deservingness attitudes.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>The results show that respondents view undocumented immigrants as less deserving of healthcare than citizens, even when undocumented immigrants have a solid work history. The second survey experiment, however, shows that appeals to fairness and self-interest trigger substantial increases in support for undocumented immigrants, both among Republicans and Democrats.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The results suggest that while undocumented immigrants are seen as less deserving of access, appeals to fairness and self-interest can trigger increased support.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141908343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regulating Abortion Later in Pregnancy: Fetal-Centric Laws and the Erasure of Women's Subjectivity.","authors":"Katrina Kimport, Tracy Weitz","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11516772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11516772","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>In the United States, fetal development markers, including \"viability\" and the point when a fetus can \"feel pain\", have permeated the social imaginary of abortion, affecting public support and the legality and availability of care, but the extent to which they describe and orient the experience of abortion at later gestations is unclear.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Using interviews with 30 cisgender women in the U.S. who obtained an abortion after 24 weeks of pregnancy, we investigate whether and how notions of fetal viability and/or pain operated in their lived experiences of pregnancy and abortion.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>By respondents' accounts, fetal development-based laws restricting abortion based in purported points of fetal development operated as gestational limits, privileged the viability and pain status of the fetus over that of the prospective neonate, and failed to account for the viability and pain of the pregnant person.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The discursive practice of centering fetal development in regulating abortion access makes denial of abortion care because of the status of the fetus conceptually available-even at the point of fertilization-and naturalizes the erasure of the subjectivity of women and others who can become pregnant.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141908394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Limits to Food and Beverage Industry Influence over Fiscal and Regulatory Policy in Latin America.","authors":"Eduardo Gómez","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11513070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11513070","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Little is known about the political, institutional, and social contexts contributing to a decline in food and beverage industry power and influence over fiscal (soda taxes) and regulatory (sales/advertising restrictions and food labels) policy. This article addresses this issue by exploring why Mexico and Chile eventually saw such a decline in the food and beverage industry's influence whereas Brazil was not as successful. I argue that in Mexico and Chile, these outcomes are explained by shifts in presidential, congressional, and bureaucratic interests in pursuing policies that went against industry preferences.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>This article took a qualitative methodological approach to comparative historical research.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Policymakers' interest in pursuing stronger food and beverage regulations were shaped by economic and public health concerns, new electoral contexts, epidemiological information, and normative beliefs. In Mexico, the infiltration of nutrition researchers within government facilitated this process. In contrast, Brazil's government was divided about pursuing regulatory policies, with presidents favoring partnerships with industry to implement a popular anti-hunger program; industry's power endured there with limited progress in policy reforms.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Governments can eventually overcome industry power and policy influence, but it depends on a whole government commitment to reform.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141908395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Katie Attwell, Adam Hannah, Shevaun Drislane, Mark Christopher Navin
{"title":"Policy Feedback and the Politics of Childhood Vaccine Mandates: Conflict and Change in California, 2012-2019.","authors":"Katie Attwell, Adam Hannah, Shevaun Drislane, Mark Christopher Navin","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11377933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11377933","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>In 2012, California instituted a new requirement for parents to consult with a clinician before receiving a personal belief exemption to its school entry vaccine mandate. In 2015, the state removed this exemption altogether. In 2019, legislators cracked down on medical exemptions to address their misuse by vaccine refusers and supportive clinicians. This paper explores these political conflicts using 'policy feedback theory,' arguing that personal belief exemptions informed the emergence and approaches of two coalitions whose conflict reshaped California's vaccination policies.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>We analysed legal, policy, academic and media documents; interviewed ten key informants; and deductively analysed transcripts using NVivo 20 transcription software.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>California's long-standing vaccination policy inadvertently disseminated two fundamentally incompatible social norms: vaccination is a choice; vaccination is not a choice. Over time, the culture and number of vaccine refusers grew, at least in part because the policy state-sanctioned the norm of vaccine refusal.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The long-term consequences of California's 'mandate + PBE' policy - visible, public, and socially sanctioned vaccine refusal - undermined support for it over time, generating well-defined losses for a large group of people (the vaccinating public) and specifically for the parent activists whose experiences of personal grievance drove their mobilisation for change.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141249082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jeremy K Ward, Sébastien Cortaredona, Hugo Touzet, Fatima Gauna, Patrick Peretti-Watel
{"title":"Explaining Political Differences in Attitudes to Vaccines in France: Partisan Cues, Disenchantment with Politics and Political Sophistication.","authors":"Jeremy K Ward, Sébastien Cortaredona, Hugo Touzet, Fatima Gauna, Patrick Peretti-Watel","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11373758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11373758","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>The role of political identities in determining attitudes to vaccines has attracted a lot of attention in the last decade. Explanations have tended to focus on the influence of party representatives on their sympathizers (partisan cues).</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Four representatives samples of the French adult population completed online questionnaires between July 2021 and May 2022 (N = 9,177). Bivariate and multivariate analyses were performed to test whether partisan differences in attitudes to vaccines are best explained by partisan cues or by parties' differences in propensity to attract people who distrust the actors involved in vaccination policies.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>People who feel close to parties at the far left, the far right and to green parties are more vaccine hesitant. We found a small evidence for the effect of partisan cues and a much stronger effect of trust. But more importantly, we show that the more politically sophisticated are less vaccine hesitant and that the non-partisan are the biggest and most vaccine-hesitant group.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The literature has focused on the case of the USA but turning the attention towards countries where disenchantment with politics is more marked helps better understand the different ways trust, partisanship and political sophistication can affect attitudes to vaccines.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141249079","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Implementing Primary Care Reform in France: Bargaining, Policy Adaptation, and the Maisons de Santé Pluriprofessionnelles.","authors":"Anne Moyal","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11373736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11373736","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>The organization of primary care in France has long remained a secondary issue on the political agenda. The government began to address the difficulties of care access and coordination in the 2000s, when a seemingly viable solution emerged from the field: the Maisons de Santé Pluriprofessionnelles (MSPs). In a corporatist system and a predominantly private sector, the government chose an incentive-based, contractual policy to encourage providers to join these structures. This article analyzes the implementation of this policy which depends on private providers' commitment.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>The article offers a comparative case study of six MSPs. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, observation sessions, and document analysis.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>First, the article shows that the emergence of MSPs has only been possible thanks to an unprecedented alliance between GPs, the state, and the health insurance fund. Second, it argues that MSP policy's implementation relies on a complex bargaining process between private providers and public authorities that enables the former to shape it to their local needs.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>MSP implementation experiences raise questions both about the understanding of medical corporatism in France and the assimilation of policy changes and local variation through implementation.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141249081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Why Some Nonelderly Adult Medicaid Enrollees Appear Ineligible Based on Their Annual Income.","authors":"Geena Kim, Alexandra Minicozzi, Chapin White","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11373728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11373728","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Recent studies have highlighted Medicaid enrollment among middle- and higher-income populations and questioned whether the program is reaching those for whom it is intended.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Medicaid enrollment and income in 2017 are measured using administrative tax data, monthly income is measured using survey data, and Medicaid enrollment pathways are identified in administrative data.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Among 38.8 million nonelderly adults in Medicaid at any point in 2017, 24.4 million had annual income below their state's typical eligibility threshold, and 14.4 million (37%) had income above the threshold. Among those above the threshold, 3.5 million enrolled through a pathway allowing higher income (pregnant women, the \"medically needy\", and others); we also estimate that over 12 million had at least one month with income below the threshold and roughly 4 million had at least five months with income below the eligibility threshold.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Pathways allowing higher income account for one-quarter of enrollees with annual incomes above typical thresholds. Among low-income adults, month-to-month variation in income is common and can account for most or all of the remaining enrollees with annual incomes above typical thresholds. A complete accounting of eligibility status would require merged data on income, Medicaid enrollment, and family structure.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141249085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regime Type and Data Manipulation: Evidence from the COVID-19 Pandemic.","authors":"Simon Wigley","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11373750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/03616878-11373750","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>This study examines whether autocratic governments are more likely to manipulate health data than democratic governments. The COVID-19 pandemic presents a unique opportunity to examine this question owing to its global impact.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Three distinct indicators of COVID-19 data manipulation were constructed for nearly all sovereign states. Each indicator was then regressed on democracy and controls for unintended misreporting. A machine learning approach was then used to determine whether any of the specific features of democracy are more predictive of manipulation.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Democracy was found to be negatively associated with all three measures of manipulation, even after running a battery of robustness checks. Absence of opposition party autonomy and free and fair elections were found to be the most important predictors of deliberate undercounting.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The manipulation of data in autocracies denies citizens the opportunity to protect themselves against health risks, hinders the ability of international organizations and donors to identify effective policies, and3 makes it difficult for scholars to assess the impact of political institutions on population health. This suggests that health advocates and scholars should use alternative methods to estimate health outcomes in countries where opposition parties lack autonomy or must participate in uncompetitive elections.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.2,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141249084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Erika Franklin Fowler, Steven T Moore, Breeze Floyd, Jielu Yao, Markus Neumann, Neil A Lewis, Jeff Niederdeppe, Sarah E Gollust
{"title":"Invoking Identity? Partisan Polarization in Discussions of Race, Racism, and Gender in 2022 Midterm Advertising in the United States.","authors":"Erika Franklin Fowler, Steven T Moore, Breeze Floyd, Jielu Yao, Markus Neumann, Neil A Lewis, Jeff Niederdeppe, Sarah E Gollust","doi":"10.1215/03616878-11066296","DOIUrl":"10.1215/03616878-11066296","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Context: </strong>Media messaging matters for public opinion and policy, and analyzing patterns of campaign strategy can provide important windows into policy priorities.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>The authors used content analysis supplemented with keyword-based text analysis to assess the volume, proportion, and distribution of media attention to race-related issues in comparison to gender-related issues during the general election period of the 2022 midterm campaigns for federal office in the United States.</p><p><strong>Findings: </strong>Race-related mentions in campaign advertising were overwhelmingly focused on crime and law and order, with very little attention to racism, racial injustice, and the structural barriers that lead to widespread inequities. In stark contrast to mentions of gender, racial appeals were less identity focused and were competitively contested between the parties in their messaging, but they were much more likely to be led by Republicans.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>The results suggest that discussions of race and gender were highly polarized, with consequences for public understanding of and belief in disparities and policies important to population health.</p>","PeriodicalId":54812,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Health Politics Policy and Law","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138178021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"医学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}