{"title":"Observations on Tagalog Genitive Inversion","authors":"Henrison Hsieh","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913560","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Tagalog is a strongly head-initial language: arguments without special discourse status typically follow their lexical heads. However, genitive-marked pronominal arguments display a word order alternation where instead of following their lexical head, they may precede it. This alternation, which I refer to here as Genitive Inversion, has received comparatively little attention in the research on Tagalog, even though it is relatively commonplace. This paper offers a detailed description of the behavior of Genitive Inversion, showing what kinds of arguments it can apply to and what environments it can apply in. I show that this process raises questions about the basic properties of Tagalog and discuss directions for potential analyses and avenues for further research into this topic.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lexical Evidence in Austronesian for an Austroasiatic presence in Borneo","authors":"J. Blevins, Daniel Kaufman","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913565","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Divergence and diversity at the level of phonology and lexicon in many of the Austronesian languages of Borneo are widely recognized and well studied. However, the source of this divergence is debated. In this paper, lexical items in the languages of Borneo which lack secure Austronesian etymologies are the object of study. Some of these words show potential semantic and phonological matches with Austroasiatic forms, suggesting a possible early period of in situ contact between Austronesian speakers and speakers of Mon-Khmer languages on the island of Borneo.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139204535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Repair and Drift in Austronesian Languages: Avoidance of Dissimilar Labials as the Onsets of Successive Syllables","authors":"Robert Blust","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913563","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:From the time of their earliest reconstructable ancestor, Austronesian languages have avoided morphemes that allow dissimilar labials as the onsets of successive syllables. What is of interest to phonologists is that this inherited morpheme structure constraint continues to hold on the word level in many (but not all) daughter languages. As a result of the extension of phonotactic restrictions from the level of the morpheme to the level of the word, lexical bases that are affixed in ways that violate this constraint show various repairs aimed at removing a marked sequence, most commonly one in which a labial-initial base drops the initial syllable when infixed with -um-. The range of attested repair options is surveyed in relation to claims made in earlier analyses, additional support is given for previously-recognized repairs, and two new functionally-equivalent avoidance strategies are described. Finally, although the most common repair option (pseudo nasal substitution) may be inherited from Proto-Austronesian, other structurally-distinct but functionally-equivalent repairs apparently constitute a drift, namely a product of the continued operation of inherited structural pressures after language separation, a type of change that can be viewed as the diachronic counterpart of a synchronic conspiracy.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139200333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Split Inalienable Coding in the East Bird's Head Family","authors":"Laura Arnold","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913559","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper discusses the diachrony of inalienable possessive constructions in East Bird's Head, a small Papuan family of the Bird's Head peninsula in northwest New Guinea. In particular, it focuses on a phenomenon known as Split Inalienable Coding, in which a language has two or more possessive coding strategies closely or exclusively associated with the expression of inalienable possession. Based on the available data, Split Inalienable Coding can be reconstructed to the proto-Meax branch of East Bird's Head, but not to proto-East Bird's Head itself. It is argued that Split Inalienable Coding was innovated in pre-proto-Meax, and had begun to erode in proto-Meax; after the divergence of the Meax branch, further changes in the daughter languages have obscured the original system of Split Inalienable Coding. As Split Inalienable Coding is found in other neighboring yet unrelated languages, the role of contact in the development of Split Inalienable Coding in pre-proto-Meax is also discussed. From the present-day distribution, it is inferred that Split Inalienable Coding first developed in an Austronesian/Papuan contact zone in the east of the Bird's Head, before spreading to other nearby Austronesian languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139203603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Evidence and Models of Linguistic Relations: Subgroups, Linkages, Lexical Innovations, and Borneo","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913564","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Several recent studies place the languages of Borneo into one of two large groups, the Greater North Borneo subgroup and the Barito–Basap linkage. These same studies place both Greater North Borneo and Barito–Basap with the Western Indonesian subgroup, a large subgroup which is claimed to be a primary branch of Malayo-Polynesian. This paper demonstrates that the exclusively lexical evidence used to justify such subgroups is invalid as subgrouping evidence. Instead, it is shown that the languages of Borneo developed a small number of Bornean-only lexical items through contact, borrowing, and early innovations within the first Proto-Malayo-Polynesian-speaking settlers of the island. To support these claims, a detailed description of both the methods of lexical innovation evaluation as well as the types of linguistic relations that such lexical innovations support is undertaken in this paper. A new standard for the use of lexical evidence in subgrouping arguments is established, with wide-ranging implications for not only the classification of Bornean languages but of western Malayo-Polynesian languages in general.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139204730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Preverbal Determiners and the Passive in Moriori","authors":"J. Middleton","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49199313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hui-Shan Lin, Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa, J. Middleton, Alexander D. Smith, P. Li, H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun
{"title":"Variable Copying Sites in Truku Cə- Reduplication","authors":"Hui-Shan Lin, Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa, J. Middleton, Alexander D. Smith, P. Li, H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Based on 424 firsthand data, this paper provides an in-depth investigation on Cə- reduplication in Truku, which varies between first root-consonant (C1-) and second root-consonant (C2-) copying. The variation has previously been proposed to be either phonologically governed by the presence of glottal stop or semantically governed, dependent upon whether reciprocity is denoted. This paper shows that although both proposals are plausible, they are inconsistent with the data available in previous studies as well as the firsthand data collected for this study. This paper shows instead that the variation of the copying site is both semantically and phonologically governed. Semantically, reciprocity and plurality together behave differently from other semantic functions such as purpose and simultaneously doing X. Phonologically, for semantic functions that exhibit variation between C1ə- and C2ə- reduplication, the variation is governed by the phonological features of the initial and the second consonant of the root and are driven by the competition of different forces: the force to prevent marked segments (i.e., [ʔ, ɣ, ħ]) and sequences (i.e., [jə, wə, xə, mə]) in the reduplicant and the force to achieve perfect correspondence between the reduplicant and the base, which are nicely captured by constraint interactions in Optimality Theory.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42045117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Some Remarks on Sagart's New Evidence for a Numeral-Based Phylogeny of Austronesian","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper presents a critical evaluation of a recent update to Sagart's \"numeral-based phylogeny\" of Austronesian languages. The update takes the form of new evidence, including new etymologies and reconstructions of words meaning 'six' and 'ten' which differ from conventional reconstructions, and updated and expanded evidence for \"Southern Austronesian,\" a subgroup that contains Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. This paper argues that Sagart's new evidence is unconvincing and does not provide additional support for the numeral-based phylogeny. Rather, this paper details shortcomings in new etymologies for 'six' and 'ten', as well as issues in the comparisons made between Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. It is concluded that conventional subgrouping proposals remain superior to the numeral-based phylogeny despite recent updates.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41813408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Voice and Pluractionality in Äiwoo","authors":"Åshild Næss","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44085594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Note on Morphological Changes in Kaxabu","authors":"H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Kaxabu is an Austronesian language of Taiwan with fewer than ten speakers, all of whom are over the age of seventy and mainly use Taiwanese Southern Min in daily life. A number of morphological changes are observed. The affixes <in> 'perfective' and ta- … -i 'hortative' have become fossilized and have been replaced by other more productive lexical or morphosyntactic processes. Reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian monosyllabic suffixes *-en 'uvp',*-an 'uvl', and *-i 'imp/dep.uvl' have become clitics while the disyllabic prefixes pa-ka- 'caus (stat)' (reconstructed at the PAn level as *pa-ka-) and ma-ti- 'wear (av)' now also occur as (function/content) words paka 'cause, make' and mati 'wear'. The aim of this paper is to examine these morphological changes, and more specifically, affix fossilization, which constitutes the last step of grammaticalization in paradigmaticity and deaffixation, which is an instance of degrammaticalization. These two processes are quite opposite and result from two concomitant factors which are causing language change: (i) language obsolescence, which indu ces fossilization, and (ii) language contact with Taiwanese Southern Min, which causes deaffixation.Based on these findings, we demonstrate that Kaxabu uses syntactic processes more, and morphological processes less than other Formosan languages, and that it is changing from an agglutinating language to a more isolating language.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43781048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}