{"title":"Africa's Personalist Regimes and Their Foreign Policies: The Exigencies of Regime Security Under Mafia Rule","authors":"John F. Clark","doi":"10.1111/polp.70054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70054","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study examines the foreign policies of African personalist regimes, connecting their internal politics with their external behavior. The study begins by describing the nature of these regimes, distinguishing them from two other regime types common in contemporary Africa. Although these regimes arise through different “pathways to power,” they all exhibit the qualities of mafia organizations, as described herein. The domestic logic of these personalist regimes leads to many similarities in their foreign policies. Yet interstate relations among <i>sets of contiguous personalist regimes</i> display variation in the degree of enmity with them, reflecting significant differences in foreign policies. This variation presents a puzzle: Why do some personalist regimes intervene in the affairs of neighboring states, whereas others do not? This article both traces the overall foreign policy logic of African personalist regimes and attempts to account for the variation in their external behavior.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144705162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Introduction to the Special Issue: Personalism and Good Governance","authors":"Tatiana Kostadinova, Milena I. Neshkova","doi":"10.1111/polp.70060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70060","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144705161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Personalist Leadership and Corruption: Evidence From Third Wave Democracies","authors":"Tatiana Kostadinova, Milena I. Neshkova","doi":"10.1111/polp.70056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70056","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study investigates whether having parties with a dominant leader in the national government is associated with more corruption in political institutions. We argue that personalist regimes tend to foster clientelist networks while weakening the institutions of oversight. Engagement in corrupt activities is shaped by actors' expectations for gains and costs, but in a system where power is concentrated at the top, loyalty is valued more than professionalism, and the behavior of the leader is hard to predict. Data from 32 Eastern European and Latin American countries relate personalist governments to higher levels of grand (political) and petty (bureaucratic) corruption. This relationship becomes more pronounced the longer a regime stays in power. Our findings carry implications for how personalist leadership brought through democratic elections may undermine accountability, fair governance, and the quality of democracy in general.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144688177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
William G. Resh, Temirlan T. Moldogaziev, John D. Marvel, Jochelle Greaves Siew
{"title":"Assessing Political Brand Equity in Policy: Trump and the Centers for Disease Control's “Slow the Spread” Campaign Card","authors":"William G. Resh, Temirlan T. Moldogaziev, John D. Marvel, Jochelle Greaves Siew","doi":"10.1111/polp.70055","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70055","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study examines the effect of a political actor's brand equity in relation to a salient policy domain. The premise of this work is that political actors establish brands, akin to commercial counterparts, which can accumulate equity in the form of approval ratings. These brands are conveyed through various mechanisms, including symbolic imagery, name, personal appearance, and slogans. Establishing a political brand is important to personalist leaders. Therefore, we explore President Trump's brand equity in the March 2020 “Slow the Spread” public service announcement (PSA) campaign postcard. Using a click heatmap methodology, we test whether subjects' implicit attributions of the PSA to President Trump's brand are associated with approval of his presidency and his handling of the COVID-19 crisis. We find that those who click on Trump's name (rather than other institutional brands presented in the material) exhibit lower approval ratings of his presidency and his performance during the crisis.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144647696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Democracy to Personalist Electoral Autocracy: The Case of Hungary","authors":"Gabriella Ilonszki, György Lengyel","doi":"10.1111/polp.70057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70057","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This article investigates how governance patterns have developed in Hungary after 2010, when its democratic backsliding began. In the authoritarian personalist regime, the leader of Fidesz, Viktor Orbán, has a dominant role. The study reveals how informal governance solutions predominate to the detriment of formal institutions. The major building blocks of the regime are a loyal new elite, economic clientele, controlled media, and affective polarization. Representative linkages, responsibility, and accountability foundations are missing, and decision making is not transparent; governance failure can be observed. The regime regards performance as a source of justification, while ideology and the charismatic qualities of the leader appear to be the main actual sources of legitimacy.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144647695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Trump, Personalism, and US Administrative Capacity","authors":"Donald Moynihan","doi":"10.1111/polp.70059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70059","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Donald Trump represents an extraordinary degree of personalism in American politics, especially given the traditional power and capacity of the Republican Party and American democracy. A lesson Trump drew from his first term in office is that he needed to better institutionalize mechanisms of personal loyalty to deal with perceived betrayals by both political appointees and career officials. Out of office, Trump supporters continued this project, seeking to restructure governing institutions around personalist criteria centered on loyalty. This process has a series of effects on American institutions: (a) elevating conspiracist messaging where Trump plays a central role, such as QAnon or claims about the 2020 election; (b) promoting anti-statism, particularly toward public institutions, framing them as corrupt in a way that undermines public trust; and (c) mainstreaming new strategies for governing, such as converting career civil servants with tenure protections into at-will political appointees who can be purged.</p>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/polp.70059","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144589612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cultural Entropy, Innovation, and Growth","authors":"Annie Tubadji","doi":"10.1111/polp.70050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70050","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>According to the culture-based development (CBD) paradigm, studies culture as the code of attitudes on how to value the world. CBD handles the local cultural complexity by meaningfully reducing this complexity to two components—cultural heritage (CH) and living culture (LC). CH encompasses the attitudes valuing the “I” local inherited identity, celebrating itself as an insider winner. LC encompasses the attitudes that celebrate the “we” adaptive valuation of the newly co-created local identity where all present locally, not only the natives, participate in what is valued as art and beauty, and meaning. CBD defines cultural entropy as a Shannon entropy index capturing the balance between LC and CH in a locality. In other words, cultural entropy is the measure of the ratio between the “I” and “we” component in local culture. The aim of the paper is to establish whether localities with a more even balance between CH and LC are more successful in innovation. Using two panel datasets for EU NUTS2 regions (2002–2017), I find that lower cultural entropy is associated with the local proto-institution culture establishing more extractive formal institutions (i.e., levying higher taxes) that stifle innovation and economic growth. Thus, cultural entropy is the tool to capture the cultural root of how social capital emerges in a way that can foster flourishing or the emergence of left-behind places that lead to radical voting and socioeconomic demise.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Tubadji, Annie. 2023. “You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico-economic Transformation.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 51, no. 4: 661–695. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Ondoua Beyene, Blaise, Thierry Mamadou Asngar, Bruno Emmanuel Ongo Nkoa, Cyrille Bergali Kamdem, and Prisca Koncy Fosso. 2025. “Cultural Diffusion and Democracy: What Lessons in Sub-Saharan Africa's Experience?” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 53, no. 1: e70012. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70012.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Peralta, J. Salvador. 2013. “Do Culture and Institutions Matter? Explaining the Sources of Cross-National Regime Support.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 41, no. 4: 479–508. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12024.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144551086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mahbub Alam Prodip, Abu Sayed Md. Nazmul Haider, Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, Sajal Roy
{"title":"Gender Quotas and Women's Substantive Representation in Local-Level Government in Bangladesh","authors":"Mahbub Alam Prodip, Abu Sayed Md. Nazmul Haider, Nguyen Thi Thu Ha, Sajal Roy","doi":"10.1111/polp.70053","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70053","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This qualitative research examines how far gender quotas lead to women's substantive representation in the <i>Union Parishad</i> in Bangladesh. To what extent and how do quota-elected women members influence the decision-making process in the <i>Union Parishad</i> to materialize policy outcomes for citizens, especially for women constituents in Bangladesh? Using a purposive sample, primary data were collected through semi-structured and key informant interviews. This study contributes to the existing research on gender quotas and women's substantive representation in local-level politics and yields mixed results. The findings suggest that, although most quota-elected women members do not make a substantial contribution to masculine issues, including development projects and maintaining law and order, they have made significant contributions to feminine issues—including reducing violence against women and girls and combating sexual harassment and child marriage—in the <i>Union Parishad</i>. The patriarchal behavior of elected male chairpersons and members has barred quota-elected women members to function effectively to argue for and distribute government resources (masculine interests) to their women constituents. The findings somewhat support the argument that numbers generally establish a necessary, but insufficient, condition to ensure greater consideration for women's interests in the legislative process.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Bingham, N. 2016. “Fighting for Our Cause: The Impact of Women's NGOs on Gender Policy Adoption in Four Former Soviet Republics.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 44, no. 2: 294–318. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12155.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Hankivsky, O. 2013. “Gender Mainstreaming: A Five-Country Examination.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 41, no. 5: 629–655. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12037.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Nchofoung, T., S. Asongu, V. Tchamyou, and O. Edoh. 2022. “Gender, Political Inclusion, and Democracy in Africa: Some Empirical Evidence.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 51, no. 1: 137–155. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12505.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144514743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Impact of Contract Farming on Household Income in Senegal","authors":"Thierno Thioune, Awa Traoré, Simplice A. Asongu","doi":"10.1111/polp.70044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70044","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study assesses the exploratory factors for household participation in contract farming and its relationship with farm income. We use instrumental variable models. Survey data collected under the Agricultural Policy Support Project (PAPA) in 2017 are used. Two results are obtained. The first result indicates that the exploratory factors for participation in contract farming are identified as gender, level of education, agro-ecological zone, access to credit, agricultural insurance, agricultural advice, and the share of contract farming in the commune. The second result shows the importance of participating in contract farming in that it is positively correlated with household welfare through improved income.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Abdulai, A.-G., J. N. Bawole, and E. K. Sakyi. 2018. “Rethinking Persistent Poverty in Northern Ghana: The Primacy of Policy and Politics Over Geography.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 46, no. 2: 233–262. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12250.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Adegboye, A., K. Adegboye, U. Uwuigbe, S. Ojeka, and E. Fasanu. 2023. “Taxation, Democracy, and Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: Relevant Linkages for Sustainable Development Goals.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 51, no. 4: 696–722. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12547.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Asongu, S., and N. M. Odhiambo. 2023. “The Effect of Inequality on Poverty and Severity of Poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Financial Development Institutions.” <i>Politics & Policy</i> 51, no. 5: 898–918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/polp.70044","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144492758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"National Leadership and State Capacity","authors":"Ali Fisunoglu","doi":"10.1111/polp.70045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.70045","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <p>State capacity and national leadership are central to governance, economic development, and stability. However, little research systematically investigates what drives changes in state capacity and evaluates leadership performance. This article examines the impact of leadership changes and shifts in the source of leader support on state capacity. Utilizing data from 1045 leaders across 159 countries from 1960 to 2015, and a subset of 60 leaders who died in office unexpectedly, the study employs fixed effects models and Difference-in-Differences (DiD) analyses. Findings reveal that leadership changes and shifts in support significantly impact state capacity, moderated by institutional constraints and veto players. This study underscores the importance of leadership and institutional dynamics in shaping governance and policymaking, providing empirical evidence on the conditions under which leadership matters. The results highlight how both leadership transitions and institutional settings shape state capacity, with political institutions constraining leaders, reducing volatility, and preventing extreme fluctuations.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 \u0000 <section>\u0000 \u0000 <h3> Related Articles</h3>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Ike, V. 2020. “The Impact of Veto Players on Incremental and Drastic Policy Making: Australia's Carbon Tax Policy and Its Repeal.” Politics & Policy 48 no. 2: 232–264. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12346.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Dahill-Brown, S. E., and L. Lavery. 2012. “Implementing Federal Policy: Confronting State Capacity and Will.” Politics & Policy 40 no. 4: 557–592. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00368.x.</p>\u0000 \u0000 <p>Kostadinova, T., and B. Levitt. 2014. “Introduction to the Symposium: New Research on Personalist Leadership.” Politics & Policy 42 no. 4: 483–489. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12083.</p>\u0000 </section>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":51679,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Policy","volume":"53 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2025-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144482342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}