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Is the Young Precariat a Problem of Modern Democracy? A Case Study of Poland 年轻的前弱势群体是现代民主的问题吗?波兰案例研究
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-03-27 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7697
Michał Czuba, R. Muster
{"title":"Is the Young Precariat a Problem of Modern Democracy? A Case Study of Poland","authors":"Michał Czuba, R. Muster","doi":"10.17645/pag.7697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7697","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the issue of the role and importance of the young precariat for the functioning of the democratic system. Based on scenario planning, it presents three possible directions for the development of democracy in the context of meeting the needs of the young precariat. The first scenario assumes a continuation of the measures applied so far by democratic governments towards young precarious people related to social policy and the low representation of the young generation in politics. The second involves a move away from democracy towards non-democratic systems, where the needs of precarious people are irrelevant. The third assumes a new approach among democratic governments to the needs of young precarious workers and the shaping of new social policies, as well as the creation of incentives for young precarious workers to be more widely involved in these policies. The empirical context for these considerations is an attempt to determine the possibility of the occurrence of each of these scenarios in Polish conditions, based on the results of qualitative studies conducted via asynchronous interviews with representatives of the young Polish precariat. The research relates to Poland and takes into account the characteristics of the Polish precariat. The article uses a mixed research methodology, combining different methods for solving research problems, including collecting, analyzing, interpreting, and presenting quantitative and qualitative data.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140375250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Political Participation and Representation of Migrants: An Overview 移民的政治参与和代表性:概述
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-03-13 DOI: 10.17645/pag.8089
Sorina Soare, Sergiu Gherghina
{"title":"The Political Participation and Representation of Migrants: An Overview","authors":"Sorina Soare, Sergiu Gherghina","doi":"10.17645/pag.8089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.8089","url":null,"abstract":"This thematic issue covers the participation and representation of migrants in contemporary politics. It focuses on two interconnected analytical dimensions: countries of residence and countries of origin, as arenas of political engagement and the supply and demand sides of political representation. The articles in the thematic issue advance the existing knowledge in migration studies and party politics both theoretically and empirically. They do so by proposing innovative analytical frameworks to assess the extent of participation and representation and by bringing evidence that fosters a better understanding of the intricate relationship between migration and politics.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140247578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Gus Dur’s Enduring Legacy: Accruing Religious Merit in the Afterlife 古斯-杜尔的永恒遗产:来世的宗教功绩
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-03-08 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7874
Nathan Franklin
{"title":"Gus Dur’s Enduring Legacy: Accruing Religious Merit in the Afterlife","authors":"Nathan Franklin","doi":"10.17645/pag.7874","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7874","url":null,"abstract":"Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), Indonesia’s fourth president (1999–2001) and leader of the traditionalist Islamic organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (1984–1999), continues to influence Indonesia in positive and meaningful ways despite his death in 2009. He proved that Islam and a pluralistic political culture were compatible and that Indonesian Islam had a global role. His legacy continues through the Wahid Foundation, Nahdlatul Ulama, and the National Awakening Party. The Wahid Foundation operates under the directorship of his daughter, Yenny Wahid, and is dedicated to improving Islam and Indonesian society through documenting religious intolerance and injustice and by issuing recommendations. Following Nahdlatul Ulama’s National Congress in December 2021, its leadership has been dominated by Gus Dur’s allies, including his wife and four daughters, and his former presidential spokesperson Yahya Cholil Staquf, all of whom have a deep commitment to his values. Gus Dur’s former political party, the National Awakening Party, remains another institution which supports pluralism and secular inclusiveness. However, the relationship between Gus Dur’s allies and this party remains fractured, just as it was before he died. Despite an impeached presidency, a fallout with the National Awakening Party, and the considerable time that has passed since his death, he has produced an enduring legacy. Public deference to the late Gus Dur is reminiscent of the nine saints who Islamised Java half a millennia ago. This is because traditionalist Muslims believe that one’s deeds which produce on-going benefits to society will, in the afterlife, continue to accrue religious merit, and millions visit Gus Dur’s grave every year to demonstrate this.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140257684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Protecting Future Generations Through Minilateralism: Climate Clubs and Normative Legitimacy 通过多边主义保护后代:气候俱乐部与规范合法性
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7674
R. Huseby, Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin
{"title":"Protecting Future Generations Through Minilateralism: Climate Clubs and Normative Legitimacy","authors":"R. Huseby, Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin","doi":"10.17645/pag.7674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7674","url":null,"abstract":"Despite three decades of global climate negotiations and high expectations for the 2015 Paris Agreement, global emissions continue to grow. To protect future generations from severe harm, scholars, environmentalists, and politicians alike explore potential supplements to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change process. One potential supplement is climate clubs of a type where a small number of “enthusiastic” countries embark on ambitious mitigation efforts while encouraging other, more “reluctant” countries to join. Previous research has shown that this club type possesses a significant potential for expanding membership and eventually becoming highly effective in reducing global emissions. A common criticism of climate clubs, however, is that they lack legitimacy. Assessing this criticism, we argue that climate clubs of the type considered here can be normatively legitimate. The main challenge for normative legitimacy concerns climate clubs’ use of incentives, particularly negative incentives, to attract members. However, we argue that even negative incentives for participation can be legitimate, assuming they meet a set of relevant legitimacy criteria—including that the club respects human rights, provides a comparative benefit, maintains institutional integrity, implements only proportional incentives, and fulfills a requisite set of epistemic criteria. We also argue that the normative legitimacy of climate clubs’ use of incentives for compliance is less challenging than the normative legitimacy of their use of incentives for participation.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140422440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Role of Future Generations in Place Branding: The Case of Huelva City 后代在地方品牌建设中的作用:韦尔瓦市案例
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7730
X. Ginesta, F. J. Cristófol, Jordi de San Eugenio, Javier Martínez-Navarro
{"title":"The Role of Future Generations in Place Branding: The Case of Huelva City","authors":"X. Ginesta, F. J. Cristófol, Jordi de San Eugenio, Javier Martínez-Navarro","doi":"10.17645/pag.7730","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7730","url":null,"abstract":"The process of creating place brands must position the citizen at the center of the debate. The City Council of Huelva, a city in Southern Spain with a population of 142,538 inhabitants, promoted a territorial brand in 2022 in order to seek a new positioning for the city in tourism markets, investment, and talent attraction. Its development was based on a qualitative and quantitative methodology, previously tested out in other cities and locations in Spain, which is shaped by research groups, semi-structured interviews, and surveys of the citizens. This method aims to place the citizen, who ultimately is the user of the brand, at the center of the social research process that determines the tangible and intangible values associated with the brand narrative. The main objective of this article is to highlight, based on the case study of the brand Huelva Original, the importance of two groups in the construction and deployment of a place brand (Millennials and Generation Z and the political class). Firstly, out of the 1,194 people who participated in the fieldwork, 47.92% were under 40 years old. These two generations are crucial for creating a brand narrative that has long-term viability and presence in the digital environment. Secondly, the development of the brand narrative facilitated a cooperative process among the different political groups in the City Council, especially the two most represented (conservatives and social democrats), which enables the search for collaborative workspaces among political groups to ensure that the implementation of the brand transcends the term of a mandate and goes beyond short-termism political actions. The results indicate that the new brand uniquely differentiates Huelva, emphasizing internal pride and co-creation. Open innovation facilitates cooperation among stakeholders, improving governance. Both Millennials and Generation Z citizens, as well as politicians, are key to the long-term sustainability and reach of the brand.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140420129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Politics of Non‐Existence 不存在的政治
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7678
Maija Setälä
{"title":"The Politics of Non‐Existence","authors":"Maija Setälä","doi":"10.17645/pag.7678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7678","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the representation of future generations is likely to remain inadequate because of the lack of accountability mechanisms characteristic of representative relations among contemporaries. Two problems pertaining to the representation of future generations and their interests are distinguished, namely misrepresentation and negligence. Misrepresentation refers to ill-informed, biased, and purposive interpretations regarding the interests of future generations, whereas negligence involves future interests not being properly considered in policymaking. While these two problems are often intertwined, misrepresentation is a problem of epistemic and normative judgments, whereas negligence is a motivational problem. The interests of future generations are especially likely to be neglected in cases of so-called intergenerational conflict, that is, situations of welfare tradeoffs between present and future generations. Inclusive democratic deliberation is a remedy for misrepresentation, but its capacity to address negligence may be more limited. Finally, the article remarks on the role of future-regarding deliberation in representative democratic systems.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140419878","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Futurability, Survivability, and the Non‐Steady State in the Intergenerational Sustainability Dilemma 代际可持续性困境中的未来性、生存性和非稳定状态
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7749
T. Saijo
{"title":"Futurability, Survivability, and the Non‐Steady State in the Intergenerational Sustainability Dilemma","authors":"T. Saijo","doi":"10.17645/pag.7749","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7749","url":null,"abstract":"The three pillars of society—democracy, the market, and science and technology—are not systems that guarantee survival. This is because they will cause “future failures” that will eventually impose heavy burdens on future generations. Therefore, we need to design mechanisms to reinforce these three systems. This is called future design. Its basic concept is “futurability,” which is the ability of the current generation to prioritize the interests of future generations. This study examines the necessity of futurability, its background, and its relationship with intergenerational equity. In particular, using a simple numerical model in which the investment of the current generation affects the resources of future generations, this article shows that if each generation looks only to its own interests, humanity will face extinction. To ensure the survivability of humanity, each generation must demonstrate futurability, especially the importance of demonstrating futurability in a non-steady state.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140421301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Electoral Participation of Non‐National EU Citizens in France: The Case of the Nord 法国非欧盟国家公民的选举参与:北部省的案例
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7507
Camille Kelbel, David Gouard, Felix Von Nostitz, Meredith Lombard
{"title":"Electoral Participation of Non‐National EU Citizens in France: The Case of the Nord","authors":"Camille Kelbel, David Gouard, Felix Von Nostitz, Meredith Lombard","doi":"10.17645/pag.7507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7507","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 1993 Maastricht Treaty, EU citizens have the right to vote in European and local elections in the member state they reside in. In France, only about a quarter do so. Our article considers what factors explain the registration and participation of non-national citizens for the French Department of the Nord where around 35,000 non-French European citizens of voting age are living. Among them, 11,638 are registered to vote in the French municipal elections. Following the 2020 municipal elections, we have consulted the electoral rolls in each of the 648 communes to know who actually cast a vote. Based on detailed census data on each EU nationality and on other information contained on the electoral lists and rolls (age, gender, place of birth, etc.) and also contextual variables, this article seeks to identify the main factors associated with registering in the first instance and turning out to vote in the second. Our results confirm wide variation in registration and voting rates according to nationality. They also show that beyond voters’ nationality and the “usual suspects” of electoral participation, contextual factors are important predictors.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140426505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
What Does It Take for Immigrants to Join Political Parties? 移民如何才能加入政党?
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7440
Monika Bozhinoska Lazarova, Thomas Saalfeld, Olaf Seifert
{"title":"What Does It Take for Immigrants to Join Political Parties?","authors":"Monika Bozhinoska Lazarova, Thomas Saalfeld, Olaf Seifert","doi":"10.17645/pag.7440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7440","url":null,"abstract":"Political parties are crucial agents in democratic representation and political integration of persons of immigrant origin, a growing category of citizens in the European Union. Research demonstrates that citizens of immigrant origin are less likely to join political parties than persons without a migratory background. Nevertheless, party membership varies across countries and between immigrants. Accounting for such inter-individual and cross-national variations, this article uses secondary data from the European Social Survey, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, and the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project for 25 European democracies to uncover mechanisms that explain the party membership of immigrants. In our multilevel analysis, we test interactions between country-specific variations in legislation on migration policies on the one hand and individual differences in political socialisation and political efficacy on the other. Our models suggest significant positive effects of exposure to a democratic regime in the country of origin and of internal efficacy on party membership of citizens of immigrant origin. Additionally, our findings highlight the significance of an inclusive national framework for immigrant integration, serving as a moderator to diminish the impact of political socialisation in less democratic countries on the decision of citizens with immigrant backgrounds to participate in political parties within their country of residence.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140425135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War 自由干预主义危机与战争卷土重来
IF 2.2 3区 社会学
Politics and Governance Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.17645/pag.7865
Cornelia Baciu, F. Ostermann, Wolfgang Wagner
{"title":"The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War","authors":"Cornelia Baciu, F. Ostermann, Wolfgang Wagner","doi":"10.17645/pag.7865","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.7865","url":null,"abstract":"Liberal interventionism is in crisis, being weakened both from within and without. From Kabul to Kyiv and beyond, the contributions to our thematic issue reveal that the crisis of liberal interventionism has unraveled differently than previously understood. In countries of the Global North, it stretched out in different ways, depending on the political culture, party/coalition in power, or institutional path dependencies. In countries of the Global South, mandate-specific benchmarks in addition to the neglect of local agencies by both interveners and domestic elites, produced unintended consequences and a backlash effect. The articles in this thematic issue contribute to a better understanding of the crisis of liberal interventionism by unpacking the global fragmentation of collective security instruments, patterns and conditions of foreign policy change in liberal democracies, intervention failure in Afghanistan, alternative forms of interventionism like the one of the Wagner Group, international orientation change through the Zeitenwende, or counter-terrorism and deterrence postures. To conclude, the thematic issue critically investigates whether singing the swansong of liberal interventionism is premature.","PeriodicalId":51598,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Governance","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2024-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139837472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
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