Journal of Phonetics最新文献

{"title":"Effects of syllable position and place of articulation on secondary dorsal contrasts: An ultrasound study of Irish","authors":"Ryan Bennett ,&nbsp;Jaye Padgett ,&nbsp;Máire Ní Chiosáin ,&nbsp;Grant McGuire ,&nbsp;Jennifer Bellik","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101368","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101368","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Secondary articulations like palatalization and velarization are used contrastively to distinguish phonemes and word meanings in a number of languages. Cross-linguistically, these contrasts are often absent in syllable codas and labial consonants. We investigate whether the loss of palatalization and velarization in codas and labials may have a source in articulatory reduction and/or coarticulation in these contexts. On the basis of ultrasound data from Irish — a language with robust and pervasive contrasts between palatalization and velarization — we find that secondary articulations in Irish stops are less articulatorily distinct in codas, particularly for dorsals and labials. This is in part due to increased coarticulation between vowels and velarized consonants in these contexts. These findings are largely in accord with past findings for Russian, and suggest that the typology of secondary dorsal contrasts is grounded in articulatory as well as perceptual asymmetries.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101368"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142586501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Effects of word-level structure on oral stop realization in Hawaiian","authors":"Lisa Davidson ,&nbsp;Oiwi Parker Jones","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101367","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101367","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Hawaiian, or ‘Ōlelo Hawaiʻi, is an Eastern Polynesian language spoken on the islands of Hawaiʻi. This study examines oral stops in Hawaiian as produced by speakers on the 1970–80s radio program Ka Leo Hawaiʻi, first, to establish whether the voiceless stops of this generation of Hawaiian speakers were aspirated or unaspirated, and second, to determine whether word-level prosodic structure has an effect on either the implementation of voice onset time (VOT) or closure duration, or how often stops are lenited. Hawaiian has only two primary oral stops /p k/ ([t] is a rare variant in these speakers’ dialects), and the results indicate that /p/ and /k/ are unaspirated for these speakers. Prosodic influences are examined by coding each stop for lexical word position (initial, medial), prosodic word position (initial, medial) and whether it is in a primary stressed, secondary stressed, or unstressed syllable. Results indicate that prosodic word initial position conditions both longer VOT, closure duration, and fewer lenited productions, separately from lexical word position. Moreover, there is an interaction indicating that word initial position leads to longer VOT in unstressed and secondarily stressed syllables, but not in syllables with primary stress. These results are discussed with respect to the prosodic and phonotactic structure of Hawaiian, which may rely on acoustic cues for the disambiguation of prosodic structure and segmentation of lexical items.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101367"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142531424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Lexically-guided perceptual recalibration from acoustically unambiguous input in second language learners","authors":"Miquel Llompart","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101366","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101366","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>The present study investigated whether advanced late second-language (L2) learners adapt their perceptual categorization in response to categorical segmental substitutions in L2 words, and whether this differs depending on the difficulty of the targeted phonological contrast. In three experiments, German learners of English categorized acoustic continua for a contrast that also exists in their L1 (/i/-/ɪ/), and one that does not and is known to be challenging for them (/ɛ/-/æ/). Crucially, they did so after listening to sets of English words that were either all canonically produced or contained items with /ɪ/ <span><math><mo>→</mo></math></span>[i] and /æ/ <span><math><mo>→</mo></math></span>[ɛ] substitutions. Experiment 1 used the same male talker for exposure and test, Experiment 2 another male test talker with similar acoustics and Experiment 3 a female test talker. Results showed perceptual recalibration effects in the expected direction for /i/-/ɪ/ in Experiments 1 and 2, and a shift in the opposite direction for /ɛ/-/æ/ only in Experiment 1. This study extends previous findings to a non-native population and to vowel distinctions, provides novel insights on the cross-talker generalizability of perceptual recalibration effects and, importantly, highlights the need for more research investigating perceptual adaptation processes involving difficult non-native contrasts.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142442939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Language-specific and individual variation in anticipatory nasal coarticulation: A comparative study of American English, French, and German","authors":"Marianne Pouplier ,&nbsp;Francesco Rodriquez ,&nbsp;Justin J.H. Lo ,&nbsp;Roy Alderton ,&nbsp;Bronwen G. Evans ,&nbsp;Eva Reinisch ,&nbsp;Christopher Carignan","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101365","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101365","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Anticipatory contextual nasalization, whereby an oral segment (usually a vowel) preceding a nasal consonant becomes partially or fully nasalized, has received considerable attention in research that seeks to uncover predictive factors for the temporal domain of coarticulation. Within this research, it has been claimed that the phonological status of vowel nasality in a language can determine the temporal extent of phonetic nasal coarticulation. We present a comparative study of anticipatory nasal coarticulation in American English, Northern Metropolitan French, and Standard German. These languages differ in whether nasality is contrastive (French), ostensibly phonologized but not contrastive (American English), or neither (German). We measure nasal intensity during a comparatively large temporal interval preceding a nasal or oral control consonant. In English, coarticulation has the largest temporal domain, whereas in French, anticipatory nasalization is more constrained. German differs from English, but not from French. While these results confirm some of the expected language-specific effects, they underscore that the temporal extent of anticipatory nasal coarticulation can go beyond the preceding vowel if the context does not inhibit velum lowering. For all languages, the onset of coarticulation may considerably precede the pre-nasal vowel in VN sequences, especially so for English. We propose that in English, the pre-nasal vowel has itself become a source of coarticulation, making American English pre-nasal vowel nasality uninformative about coarticulatory nasalization. Degrees of individual variation between the languages align with the phonological or phonologized role of nasalization therein. Overall, our data further add to our understanding of the non-local temporal scope of anticipatory coarticulation and its language-specific expressions.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101365"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142323243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Towards a dynamical model of English vowels. Evidence from diphthongisation","authors":"Patrycja Strycharczuk ,&nbsp;Sam Kirkham ,&nbsp;Emily Gorman ,&nbsp;Takayuki Nagamine","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101349","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101349","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Diphthong vowels exhibit a degree of inherent dynamic change, the extent of which can vary synchronically and diachronically, such that diphthong vowels can become monophthongs and <em>vice versa.</em> Modelling this type of change requires defining diphthongs in opposition to monophthongs. However, formulating an explicit definition has proven elusive in acoustics and articulation, as diphthongisation is often gradient in these domains. In this study, we consider whether diphthong vowels form a coherent phonetic category from the articulatory point of view. We present articulometry and acoustic data from six speakers of Northern Anglo-English producing a full set of phonologically long vowels. We analyse several measures of diphthongisation, all of which suggest that diphthongs are not categorically distinct from long monophthongs. We account for this observation with an Articulatory Phonology/Task Dynamic model in which diphthongs and long monophthongs have a common gestural representation, comprising two articulatory targets in each case, but they differ according to gestural constriction and location of the component gestures. We argue that a two-target representation for all long vowels is independently supported by phonological weight, as well as by the nature of historical diphthongisation and present-day dynamic vowel variation in British English.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101349"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S009544702400055X/pdfft?md5=670338f240cebf09dd5c651ed57b935b&pid=1-s2.0-S009544702400055X-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Code-switching experience as a mitigating factor for cross-linguistic phonetic interference","authors":"Daniel J. Olson ,&nbsp;Yuhyeon Seo","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101356","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101356","url":null,"abstract":"<div><h3>Abstract</h3><p>The present study investigates the extent to which code-switching experience modulates short-term cross-linguistic phonetic interference. Three experiments were conducted, each examining a different acoustic parameter in the context of code-switching, a dual language paradigm previously shown to enhance cross-linguistic phonetic interference. Bilinguals’ prior experience with code-switching was assessed using the Bilingual Code-Switching Profile. In Experiment 1, Korean–English bilinguals’ productions of F1 and F2 for the code-switched English vowel /æ/ were compared to monolingual (i.e., non-switched) Korean /e/ and English /æ/. While code-switched English vowels shifted in the direction of monolingual Korean vowels, the results suggest that bilinguals with more code-switching experience exhibited reduced cross-linguistic interference relative to those with less experience. In Experiments 2 and 3, Spanish–English bilinguals’ productions of fricative voicing (Experiment 2) and spirantization of intervocalic voiced stops (Experiment 3) in Spanish and English code-switched tokens were compared to monolingual tokens. Results suggest that participants with greater code-switching experience produced less evidence of cross-linguistic phonetic interference for both fricative voicing and intervocalic spirantization. Collectively, and suggesting a role for executive control mechanisms at the phonetic level, these findings illustrate that code-switching experience serves to mitigate short-term cross-linguistic interference.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101356"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Relating pronunciation distance metrics to intelligibility across English accents","authors":"Tessa Bent ,&nbsp;Malachi Henry ,&nbsp;Rachael F. Holt ,&nbsp;Holly Lind-Combs","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101357","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101357","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Unfamiliar accents can cause word recognition challenges, particularly in noisy environments, but few studies have incorporated quantitative pronunciation distance metrics to explain intelligibility differences across accents. To address this gap, intelligibility was measured for 18 talkers -- two from each of three first-language, one bilingual, and five second-language accents -- in quiet and two noise conditions. The relations between two edit distance metrics, which quantify phonetic differences from a reference accent, and intelligibility scores were assessed. Intelligibility was quantified through both fuzzy string matching and percent words correct. Both edit distance metrics were significantly related to intelligibility scores; a heuristic edit distance metric was the best predictor of intelligibility for both scoring methods. Further, there were stronger effects of edit distance as the listening condition increased in difficulty. Talker accent also contributed substantially to intelligibility models, but relations between accent and edit distance did not consistently pattern for the two talkers representing each accent. Frequency of production differences in vowels and consonants was negatively correlated with intelligibility, particularly for consonants. Together, these results suggest that significant amounts of variability in intelligibility across accents can be predicted by phonetic differences from the listener’s home accent. However, talker- and accent-specific pronunciation features, including suprasegmental characteristics, must be quantified to fully explain intelligibility across talkers and listening conditions.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101357"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0095447024000639/pdfft?md5=8f68608c6b33b9f8c629933aabc9e62b&pid=1-s2.0-S0095447024000639-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The relation between perceptual retuning and articulatory restructuring: Individual differences in accommodating a novel phonetic variant","authors":"Patrice Speeter Beddor ,&nbsp;Andries W. Coetzee ,&nbsp;Ian Calloway ,&nbsp;Stephen Tobin ,&nbsp;Ruaridh Purse","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101352","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101352","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>When language users accommodate a novel phonetic variant, they adjust their perceptual and articulatory spaces in listener- and speaker-specific ways. Motivated by the centrality of accommodation and the perception-production relation to theories of phonetics and sound change, this study tests the hypothesis that individuals who are adept at perceptually retuning for a novel variant will be more accurate imitators of that form. In perceptual eye-tracking and spontaneous imitation ultrasound-imaging tasks, 37 American English participants were exposed to a talker’s novel raised /æ/ before /ɡ/ (<em>bag</em>), and to their familiar unraised /æk/ (<em>back</em>) and /eɪk/ (<em>bake</em>). Consistent with the hypothesis, results showed that the more participants showed perceptual facilitation (i.e., used raised /æ(ɡ)/ to disambiguate <em>back-bag</em> trials), the more they imitated raised /æ(ɡ)/. Perceptual retuning, though, did not predict articulatory restructuring: imitators produced not context-dependent raising, but more general “imitative” raising. For theories of sound change, the findings provide circumscribed support for especially adept perceptual adapters to an innovation having the potential to be strong disseminators of that variant. For theories of accommodation, findings point toward the importance of studying imitation of a targeted variant in the broader context of how talkers and imitators situate that variant in relation to phonetically similar forms.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101352"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0095447024000585/pdfft?md5=897dce2fd42f59ca368b5e7dc02d21a1&pid=1-s2.0-S0095447024000585-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142173205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Focus-induced tonal distribution in Seoul Korean as an edge-prominence language","authors":"Richard Hatcher ,&nbsp;Hyunjung Joo ,&nbsp;Sahyang Kim ,&nbsp;Taehong Cho","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101353","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101353","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>This study investigates the phonetic realization of contrastive focus in short utterances in Seoul Korean, a so-called 'edge-prominence' language, which is assumed to express focus-induced prominence primarily through phrasing. The study explores how the distribution of phrase-level tones and their realization is influenced by focus in different positions of target words with different coda segmental makeups (/pam, pap/). Phrase-initially, focus displays a typical phrase-initial f0 rise for the L and H tones, with the L tone anchored to the focused monosyllabic word and the H tone to the following syllable, accompanied by a tonal expansion. This expansion results from an elevated f0 peak for the H while the L remains unchanged, showing tonal hyperarticulation only in the H tone. Phrase-medially, a similar f0 rise occurs under focus, but without robust tonal expansion. Crucially, the f0 rise is not accompanied by clear temporal or tonal evidence for the creation of a new phrase, demonstrating focus realization without phrasing. Phrase-finally, focus also shows no phrasing evidence. It results in an f0 fall, possibly due to tonal crowding of the L and H tones with the upcoming low boundary tone. However, this fall is distinct from a similar fall under no focus, suggesting a phonetic trace of the focal rise. Both initially and medially, the tonal realization of the f0 rise is affected by the segmental makeup (/pap/ vs. /pam/) only at the microprosodic level while maintaining the tonal targets, even in the face of physically adverse conditions for an f0 rise through the voiceless gap. The findings of the present study illuminate the intricate phonetic details of focus realization with a f0 rise in a language other than the well-studied West Germanic and Romance languages which employ word-level stress. The findings also shed new light on the relationship between focus and prosodic phrasing, implying that focus, previously argued to drive prosodic phrasing in Seoul Korean, is just one of several potentially competing structures that determine a sentence’s phrasing, thereby underscoring the multidimensional nature of prosodic structure.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101353"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142149213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Phonetic naturalness in the reanalysis of Samoan thematic consonant alternations","authors":"Jennifer Kuo","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101355","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101355","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Paradigms with conflicting data patterns can be difficult to learn, resulting in a type of language change called <em>reanalysis</em>. Existing models of morphophonology predict reanalysis to occur in a way that matches frequency distributions within the paradigm. Using evidence from Samoan, this paper argues that in addition, reanalysis may be constrained by phonotactics (global distributional regularities in the lexicon) and phonetic substance. More concretely, I find that reanalysis of Samoan thematic consonants generally matches distributional patterns within the paradigm. However, reanalysis is also modulated by a phonotactic dispreference against sequences of homorganic consonants, analyzed here in Optimality Theoretic terms by OCP-place. These results are supported by an iterated learning model that is based in MaxEnt (<span><span>Goldwater and Johnson, 2003</span></span>). In a study where phonetic similarity is measured as the spectral distance between two phones, I find that similarity of consonants is closely correlated with the strength of OCP-place effects in Samoan; this suggests that OCP-place is rooted in phonetic similarity avoidance, and more generally that in reanalysis, speakers preferentially utilize phonetically-motivated phonotactics.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101355"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0095447024000615/pdfft?md5=aa558be6942255913e22b9f211f9e259&pid=1-s2.0-S0095447024000615-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142149214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}