Journal of Phonetics最新文献

{"title":"Transitory and sustained Cf0 effects: Evidence from Swiss German","authors":"Franka Zebe-Sheng ,&nbsp;Camille Watter ,&nbsp;Stephan Schmid ,&nbsp;D. Robert Ladd","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101453","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101453","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>It is generally agreed that f0 following phonologically voiceless plosives is higher than after voiced plosives. Such consonant f0 (Cf0) effects have been reported in many languages. However, the phonetic basis of the ‘voiceless’ – ‘voiced’ distinction may differ between languages; for example, in English the distinction involves long-lag VOT in ‘voiceless’ plosives and short-lag VOT or prevoicing in ‘voiced’ plosives, while in Dutch the ‘voiceless’ plosives have short-lag VOT and the ‘voiced’ plosives are generally prevoiced. This study focuses on Swiss German, where neither long-lag VOT nor voicing is present: the primary difference between lenis (‘voiced’) and fortis (‘voiceless’) plosives lies in closure duration. Replicating Ladd and Schmid [Journal of Phonetics (2018), 71, 229–248], we show that both lenis and fortis plosives exhibit higher initial f0 followed by a brief fall, typical of ‘voiceless’ plosives in many languages. Using newer statistical methods (Generalised Additive Mixed Models), we also show that, during the latter part of the vowel beyond the initial f0 drop, overall f0 level is significantly higher after ‘fortis’ than after ‘lenis’ plosives. This suggests that two distinct but interacting Cf0 effects are involved. We discuss the relevance of this finding for future experimental work on Cf0.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"113 ","pages":"Article 101453"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145221014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Effects of minimal pair competitors on voice onset time and pitch accent production in South Swedish","authors":"Benjamin M. Kramer,&nbsp;Jason A. Shaw","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101445","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101445","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Previous findings suggest that words in minimal pairs are hyperarticulated along the phonetic dimension that distinguishes them. We investigated the effects of minimal pair presence on the production of the pitch accent contrast and the stop voicing contrast in South Swedish; while contrastive hyperarticulation along these dimensions has been observed in other languages, these contrasts in South Swedish have a particularly low functional load and a particularly high category distance, respectively. Results from an experimental word naming task indicate that minimal pair competition does not significantly affect voice onset time in South Swedish. For the pitch accent contrast, minimal pair competition is significantly correlated with <em>converged</em> rather than diverged accent contours. These findings are consistent with activation dynamics of phonetic planning that are sensitive to language-specific characteristics of a contrast, such as category distance and functional load.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"113 ","pages":"Article 101445"},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-09-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145005424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The effect of rhythm on inter-gestural coupling of onset and vowel gestures and predictive timing in stuttering","authors":"Mona Franke ,&nbsp;Simone Falk ,&nbsp;Nicole Benker ,&nbsp;Phil Hoole","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101432","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101432","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In this study we investigate articulatory timing in fluent speech production in persons who stutter (PWS) and persons who do not stutter (PWNS) by focusing on consonant–vowel (CV)-timing, which refers to the coupling of onset consonant and vowel gestures, as well as on predictive timing, which describes the synchronization of the speech onset to a rhythmic event. These two timing mechanisms are particularly interesting to investigate in relation to stuttering, given that CV-timing is especially challenging for PWS and that they exhibit differences in predictive timing related to speech-motor and manual-motor tasks, suggesting that disturbances in inter-gestural coordination and auditory-motor integration may contribute to stuttering. To shed further light on this, we examine CV-timing and predictive timing under different rhythmic conditions.</div><div>Twenty German-speaking adults (10 PWS and 10 PWNS) were recorded using electromagnetic articulography (EMA). Participants produced target words that started with a bilabial onset, followed by a vowel (/a/, /o/, or /u/) and were embedded in a carrier phrase in four different conditions: Unpaced (speaking), Tapping (speaking while concurrently tapping), Metronome (synchronizing speech to a metronome), and Metronome+Tapping (speaking to a metronome while concurrently tapping).</div><div>We found evidence for both CV-timing and predictive timing differences between PWS and PWNS. Our results suggest that in general, PWS time CV gestures closer together. However, CV-timing differences were linked to condition in an unexpected way. As to predictive timing, PWS initiated their speech later to a metronome beat than PWNS but they did not differ when timing speech to their own finger tapping, indicating that motor-pacing may stabilize the speech motor system of PWS. In the Metronome+Tapping condition, the groups appeared to rely on different rhythmic cues. While PWNS timed their speech more towards the metronome beat, PWS synchronized their speech onset closer to the finger tap. We discuss that this difference could result from differences in CV-timing. Furthermore, the potential for future research on the interplay of non-verbal and verbal motor systems and the possible benefit for the stuttering population is discussed.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101432"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144679165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Phonetic information in the vowel spectrum: the meaning of mel-Frequency Cepstral Coefficients","authors":"Khalil Iskarous ,&nbsp;Alessandro Vietti","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101434","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101434","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>There is still disagreement in the acoustic phonetics literature on how phonetic information is encoded in the vowel acoustic spectrum. The “formant hypothesis” holds that formant frequency locations are the primary encoding of phonetic information. But perceptual experiments have shown that listeners can identify vowels, to a certain extent, even when formant peaks are suppressed. This has given rise to the “whole-spectrum” hypothesis, which describes each vowel segment in terms of a high-dimensional description of its entire spectrum. While the “whole-spectrum” hypothesis better predicts suppressed-formant vowel perception, one advantage of the “formant hypothesis” is that it parameterizes a vowel inventory of a language in terms of featural classes indexed by a few values of formant frequencies. These frequency scales serve to describe a language’s phonological organization and sound change. In this paper, we show that the mel-frequency Cepstral Coefficients (MFCCs), whole-spectrum parameterizations that have been used in speech technology from the 1970’s till today, also have a phonetic interpretation leading to the same featural classes as traditional description. This is despite the fact that for many decades they have been thought to not be interpretable. Our arguments are based on analyses of all vowel data from the TIMIT database, with large amounts of speaker, context, prosodic, and dialectal variability, using information theory, effect-size statistics, and Fourier theory. Our goal is to show that MFCCs can be useful for further developments in the field of acoustic phonetics, because while they extract phonetically-distinctive information from the entire spectrum, they can also further understanding of the linguistic structure of vowel spaces.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101434"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144655552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Effects of sentential context on nonnative recognition of reduced speech: Does meaning explain it all?","authors":"Bihua Chen ,&nbsp;Isabelle Darcy","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101433","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101433","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In casual speech, reduction of segments or even syllables is common. Native (L1) listeners recover these reduced forms by recruiting not only semantic and syntactic but also fine-grained acoustic cues in the surrounding utterance. Whether second-language (L2) listeners exploit the same constellation of cues is still poorly understood. We therefore compared 21 L1 English listeners and 21 Mandarin learners of English as they identified reduced targets (e.g., /tuɪnə/ ‘too into’) presented in one of three contexts: Isolation, Textual (orthographic context only), and Auditory (orthography plus the original carrier sentence). Accuracy patterns revealed a graded facilitation hierarchy. For L2 listeners, semantic-syntactic information alone (Textual) boosted recognition relative to Isolation, and adding acoustic context produced a further significant gain. Nevertheless, both effects were smaller for L2 than for L1 listeners, indicating less effective contextual integration in the L2 processing mechanism. The findings refine accounts of reduced-speech perception by showing that L2 listeners can harness acoustic context, but less efficiently than L1 listeners.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144632575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Cascading activation in spoken word production drives incomplete neutralization: An internet-based study of Mandarin 3rd tone sandhi","authors":"Yuyu Zeng ,&nbsp;Chang Wang ,&nbsp;Jie Zhang","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101428","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101428","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Incomplete neutralization occurs when two underlying contrastive sounds are phonologically neutralized but remain phonetically distinct (e.g., “latter” and “ladder” become homophonous when the intervocalic stops are flapped in American English). Its proper understanding is foundational to phonology and speech production. Using the incomplete neutralization of the Mandarin 3rd tone sandhi as a test case (T3 + T3 → T2 + T3), we confirmed the presence of this incomplete neutralization with generalized additive modeling (GAMM) and growth curve analysis (GCA). Crucially, we found that the two tones (T2 and T3) became more neutralized when speakers were additionally required to perform a concurrent verbal working memory task while speaking; similar patterns were found when pseudowords were tested, although the overall effects were weaker. Since the concurrent verbal working memory task is expected to add processing load and decrease cascading activation in the spoken word production process, our results suggest that cascading activation, which permits upstream distinctions to surface in downstream acoustics, drives incomplete neutralization. Our study shows how embracing cascading activation can inform the long-standing debate between discrete vs. exemplar representations/operations surrounding incomplete neutralization. How cascading activation is compatible with the core assumptions of generative phonology is also discussed.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101428"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144605212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Perceived cross-linguistic similarity of retroflexes in trilingual, bilingual and native listener groups","authors":"Anna Balas ,&nbsp;Krzysztof Hwaszcz ,&nbsp;Kamil Kaźmierski ,&nbsp;Magdalena Wrembel","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101429","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101429","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper investigates the perceived cross-linguistic similarity of retroflexes from a broad multilingual perspective by employing trilingual and bilingual learners and native users as three distinct listener groups. Previous research has demonstrated that L2 learners rely on their L1 in non-native speech perception. However, no study has examined how L3 learners perceive differences between retroflex sounds in their L1, L2, and L3. In a series of three parallel studies, we examined cross-linguistic similarity of Norwegian retroflexes and similar retroflex and non-retroflex sounds by trilingual (L1 Polish, L2 English and L3 Norwegian), bilingual (L1 Polish, L2 English) and Norwegian control (L1 Norwegian, L2 English) listeners. The listeners assessed similarity between the Norwegian and Polish or English sounds primarily based on the place and manner of articulation rather than retroflexion. The results, where condition specifies the presence or absence of agreement in terms of retroflexion and place/manner of articulation, demonstrated that all the two-way interactions: condition:language, condition:group, language:group and the three-way interaction were significant. The study revealed that experience with a given language did not influence similarity ratings in a wholesale manner but rather in a precise manner related to the presence or absence of retroflexion. The results also showed that the perceived cross-linguistic similarity by multilinguals was gradient in nature. The study provides new insights into research on the perception of retroflexes and multilingual perception by participants differing in the amount of experience with the languages of the stimuli: from L1 controls through L2 and L3 learners to naïve listeners.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101429"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144605211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Velar palatalization, phonologization, and sound change – A comparative acoustic study of /k/-fronting in Majorcan Catalan","authors":"Miquel Simonet ,&nbsp;Marta Ramírez Martínez ,&nbsp;Francesc Torres-Tamarit","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101430","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101430","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study explores the acoustics of velar palatalization in two subvarieties of Majorcan Catalan, Manacor (palatalizing) and Artà (nonpalatalizing). Three production studies are reported: i) a study of /k/-fronting in the context of front, central, and back vowels; ii) a study of /a/-fronting in the context of /k/ and /p/; and iii) a study of /k/-fronting in various vowel contexts in the participants’ L2, Spanish. First, while we captured /k/-fronting in the progression /o/ &gt; /a ə/ &gt; /i/ in both subvarieties, effect sizes were much larger in Manacor than in Artà. There were no group differences in the acoustics of /k/ in the context of the back vowel, but there were large differences in the other vowel contexts, particularly before the central vowels. We postulate that, whereas the degree of palatalization found in Artà may result from universal coarticulatory principles, palatalization in Manacor results from speaker-controlled phonetic behavior: enhanced coarticulation. Second, we found that in Manacor (but not Artà) /a/ was more fronted when it followed /k/ that when it followed /p/. We suggest that the /a/-fronting pattern found in Manacor results from the influence of its velar-palatalization process and not <em>vice versa</em>. Finally, we found that the enhanced velar-palatalization process in the Manacor sample was not transferred to their L2. We discuss the implications of our conclusion for our understanding of the diachrony of velar palatalization in Romance.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101430"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144596707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A sociophonetic study of creaky voice across language, gender and age in Canadian English-French bilinguals","authors":"Jeanne Brown ,&nbsp;Morgan Sonderegger","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101431","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101431","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper examines the acoustic correlates of creaky voice across language, gender and year of birth to investigate 1) the reliability of cross-linguistic differences in voice quality, 2) the direction and extent of gender differences with respect to creaky voice, and 3) the existence of an ongoing sound change targeting voice quality. Spontaneous speech from 49 Canadian English-French bilingual speakers was collected from publicly available online data sources. This corpus was processed and a range of acoustic measures of voice quality extracted using an automated pipeline with manual checks. Results do not show strong nor consistent evidence for cross-linguistic differences in creak. Regarding gender, men’s voices are unequivocally creakier, indicated by more unreliable f0 tracks, lower H1*–H2*, lower CPP and lower HNR &lt; 500 Hz. As for age, results generally show more creak for older speakers, CPP and HNR &lt; 500 Hz values increasing with YOB while other acoustic measures show no significant differences, suggesting that these effects are more likely due to vocal aging than sound change in progress. Contrary to popular perception and recent work claiming that young women are leaders in creaky voice use, this study finds that acoustic correlates of creak show the exact opposite: men’s voices are creakier and if anything, younger speakers are less creaky. Possible reasons for this discrepancy, reviewing recent perceptual work on creaky voice, are discussed.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"112 ","pages":"Article 101431"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144596614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nonlinear second-order dynamics describe labial constriction trajectories across languages and contexts","authors":"Michael C. Stern,&nbsp;Jason A. Shaw","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101427","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2025.101427","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>We investigate the dynamics of labial constriction trajectories during the production of /b/ and /m/ in English and Mandarin in two prosodic contexts. We find that, across languages and contexts, the ratio of instantaneous displacement to instantaneous velocity generally follows an exponential decay curve from movement onset to movement offset. We formalize this empirical discovery in a differential equation and, in combination with an assumption of point attractor dynamics, derive a nonlinear second-order dynamical system describing labial constriction trajectories. The equation has only two parameters, <span><math><mrow><mi>T</mi></mrow></math></span> and <span><math><mrow><mi>r</mi></mrow></math></span>. <span><math><mrow><mi>T</mi></mrow></math></span> corresponds to the target state and <span><math><mrow><mi>r</mi></mrow></math></span> corresponds to movement rapidity. Thus, each of the parameters corresponds to a phonetically relevant dimension of control. Nonlinear regression demonstrates that the model provides excellent fits to individual movement trajectories. Moreover, trajectories simulated from the model qualitatively match empirical trajectories, and capture key kinematic variables like duration and peak velocity. The model constitutes a proposal for the dynamics of individual articulatory movements, and thus offers a novel foundation from which to understand additional influences on articulatory kinematics like prosody, inter-movement coordination, and stochastic noise.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"111 ","pages":"Article 101427"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144307382","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}