{"title":"Formant-based articulatory strategies: Characterisation and inter-speaker variability analysis","authors":"Antoine Serrurier, Christiane Neuschaefer-Rube","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101374","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101374","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Vowels are articulatorily characterised by the shape of the vocal tract and acoustically by their three lowest formants. The relationship between formant variations and articulatory variations is well documented. This study addresses the opposite problem: describing the main articulatory variations associated with the variations of single formants. A data-driven modelling-based approach was chosen for this purpose. Midsagittal vocal tract contours from the glottis to the lips for 532 vowels from 41 speakers of three different languages were obtained from MRI data. Corresponding formant values were obtained by acoustic modelling. For each speaker, linear regressions of the contours on the formant values were performed. It led to five articulatory components, characterising the vocal tract variations associated with variations of the first three formants and their differences. Inter-speaker variability was analysed by applying principal components analysis on the components in a second level of modelling. A correlation analysis of the resulting inter-speaker components with morphological features was performed to determine whether a speaker’s strategy could be driven by the morphology. Results show that the palate shape and the vertical pharyngeal height, related to the male–female difference, have a small influence on the speaker’s strategy. Associated Matlab code is publicly available.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101374"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142659520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the target of phonetic convergence: Acoustic and linguistic aspects of pitch accent imitation","authors":"Kuniko Nielsen , Rebecca Scarborough","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101372","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101372","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Studies in phonetic convergence have shown that speakers imitate phonetic patterns to which they are exposed (e.g., Pardo et al., 2013; Nielsen, 2011). However, it is less clear what aspects of the speech signal speakers are responding to when they change their speech behavior and to what extent: specific acoustic values, linguistically-interpreted targets, or some combination. To explore this issue, we conducted two imitation experiments, one in which participants were exposed to a linguistically-salient manipulated pitch accent realization, and one in which participants were exposed to a linguistically-less-salient overall pitch difference. Phonetic convergence might target acoustic values of the speech signal, leading participants to converge acoustically toward the low f0 and fast speech rate of the model taker. On the other hand, phonetic imitation might target linguistic patterns in the stimuli, leading participants to imitate the enhanced pitch accent in f0 and duration, even if it would result in acoustic divergence.</div><div>Our results show that it is both: participants converged to the model talker in linguistically-interpreted targets (pitch accent type, relative rise of the peak f0 on L + H*, and relative duration of the target phrase) and acoustic values (carrier phrase f0 and duration). However, our data indicated that higher-level linguistically-interpreted convergence may be manifested more robustly than low-level convergence. We also observed an asymmetry in convergence robustness between f0 and duration, as well as individual difference in the patterns of convergence, which suggest that there are constraints on convergence related to structural properties in the stimuli as well as speakers’ characteristics in perception and production.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101372"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142593950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Talker variability versus variability of vowel context in training naïve learners on an unfamiliar class of foreign language contrasts","authors":"Ghada A. Shejaeya , Kevin D. Roon , D.H. Whalen","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101369","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101369","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Numerous studies showed that learners can improve their ability to discriminate and/or identify non-native L2 contrasts through phonetic training, and that encountering sufficiently varied stimuli during training leads to effective generalization of the learning gains. However, previous studies often conflate talker and phonetic-context variability, and tend to prioritize talker variability. The current study investigated the relative importance of each source of variability in training naïve learners on a contrasting class of L2 sounds, plain vs. emphatic Arabic coronals, which enabled us to test generalization more rigorously than is possible with a single L2 contrasting pair (e.g., English /l/-/ɹ/). All trained participants showed significantly better identification of the contrast after training. For trained items, variability in the training materials did not matter. However, when participants had to generalize to unfamiliar contexts, variability of training materials did matter, but there was no benefit of one type of variability over the other. These findings highlight the importance of both talker and vowel context variability to effectively generalize learning of non-native sound contrasts.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101369"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142553408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ryan Bennett , Jaye Padgett , Máire Ní Chiosáin , Grant McGuire , Jennifer Bellik
{"title":"Effects of syllable position and place of articulation on secondary dorsal contrasts: An ultrasound study of Irish","authors":"Ryan Bennett , Jaye Padgett , Máire Ní Chiosáin , Grant McGuire , Jennifer Bellik","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101368","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101368","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Secondary articulations like palatalization and velarization are used contrastively to distinguish phonemes and word meanings in a number of languages. Cross-linguistically, these contrasts are often absent in syllable codas and labial consonants. We investigate whether the loss of palatalization and velarization in codas and labials may have a source in articulatory reduction and/or coarticulation in these contexts. On the basis of ultrasound data from Irish — a language with robust and pervasive contrasts between palatalization and velarization — we find that secondary articulations in Irish stops are less articulatorily distinct in codas, particularly for dorsals and labials. This is in part due to increased coarticulation between vowels and velarized consonants in these contexts. These findings are largely in accord with past findings for Russian, and suggest that the typology of secondary dorsal contrasts is grounded in articulatory as well as perceptual asymmetries.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101368"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142586501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Effects of word-level structure on oral stop realization in Hawaiian","authors":"Lisa Davidson , Oiwi Parker Jones","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101367","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101367","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Hawaiian, or ‘Ōlelo Hawaiʻi, is an Eastern Polynesian language spoken on the islands of Hawaiʻi. This study examines oral stops in Hawaiian as produced by speakers on the 1970–80s radio program Ka Leo Hawaiʻi, first, to establish whether the voiceless stops of this generation of Hawaiian speakers were aspirated or unaspirated, and second, to determine whether word-level prosodic structure has an effect on either the implementation of voice onset time (VOT) or closure duration, or how often stops are lenited. Hawaiian has only two primary oral stops /p k/ ([t] is a rare variant in these speakers’ dialects), and the results indicate that /p/ and /k/ are unaspirated for these speakers. Prosodic influences are examined by coding each stop for lexical word position (initial, medial), prosodic word position (initial, medial) and whether it is in a primary stressed, secondary stressed, or unstressed syllable. Results indicate that prosodic word initial position conditions both longer VOT, closure duration, and fewer lenited productions, separately from lexical word position. Moreover, there is an interaction indicating that word initial position leads to longer VOT in unstressed and secondarily stressed syllables, but not in syllables with primary stress. These results are discussed with respect to the prosodic and phonotactic structure of Hawaiian, which may rely on acoustic cues for the disambiguation of prosodic structure and segmentation of lexical items.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101367"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142531424","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Lexically-guided perceptual recalibration from acoustically unambiguous input in second language learners","authors":"Miquel Llompart","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101366","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101366","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>The present study investigated whether advanced late second-language (L2) learners adapt their perceptual categorization in response to categorical segmental substitutions in L2 words, and whether this differs depending on the difficulty of the targeted phonological contrast. In three experiments, German learners of English categorized acoustic continua for a contrast that also exists in their L1 (/i/-/ɪ/), and one that does not and is known to be challenging for them (/ɛ/-/æ/). Crucially, they did so after listening to sets of English words that were either all canonically produced or contained items with /ɪ/ <span><math><mo>→</mo></math></span>[i] and /æ/ <span><math><mo>→</mo></math></span>[ɛ] substitutions. Experiment 1 used the same male talker for exposure and test, Experiment 2 another male test talker with similar acoustics and Experiment 3 a female test talker. Results showed perceptual recalibration effects in the expected direction for /i/-/ɪ/ in Experiments 1 and 2, and a shift in the opposite direction for /ɛ/-/æ/ only in Experiment 1. This study extends previous findings to a non-native population and to vowel distinctions, provides novel insights on the cross-talker generalizability of perceptual recalibration effects and, importantly, highlights the need for more research investigating perceptual adaptation processes involving difficult non-native contrasts.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142442939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marianne Pouplier , Francesco Rodriquez , Justin J.H. Lo , Roy Alderton , Bronwen G. Evans , Eva Reinisch , Christopher Carignan
{"title":"Language-specific and individual variation in anticipatory nasal coarticulation: A comparative study of American English, French, and German","authors":"Marianne Pouplier , Francesco Rodriquez , Justin J.H. Lo , Roy Alderton , Bronwen G. Evans , Eva Reinisch , Christopher Carignan","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101365","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101365","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Anticipatory contextual nasalization, whereby an oral segment (usually a vowel) preceding a nasal consonant becomes partially or fully nasalized, has received considerable attention in research that seeks to uncover predictive factors for the temporal domain of coarticulation. Within this research, it has been claimed that the phonological status of vowel nasality in a language can determine the temporal extent of phonetic nasal coarticulation. We present a comparative study of anticipatory nasal coarticulation in American English, Northern Metropolitan French, and Standard German. These languages differ in whether nasality is contrastive (French), ostensibly phonologized but not contrastive (American English), or neither (German). We measure nasal intensity during a comparatively large temporal interval preceding a nasal or oral control consonant. In English, coarticulation has the largest temporal domain, whereas in French, anticipatory nasalization is more constrained. German differs from English, but not from French. While these results confirm some of the expected language-specific effects, they underscore that the temporal extent of anticipatory nasal coarticulation can go beyond the preceding vowel if the context does not inhibit velum lowering. For all languages, the onset of coarticulation may considerably precede the pre-nasal vowel in VN sequences, especially so for English. We propose that in English, the pre-nasal vowel has itself become a source of coarticulation, making American English pre-nasal vowel nasality uninformative about coarticulatory nasalization. Degrees of individual variation between the languages align with the phonological or phonologized role of nasalization therein. Overall, our data further add to our understanding of the non-local temporal scope of anticipatory coarticulation and its language-specific expressions.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101365"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142323243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Towards a dynamical model of English vowels. Evidence from diphthongisation","authors":"Patrycja Strycharczuk , Sam Kirkham , Emily Gorman , Takayuki Nagamine","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101349","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101349","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Diphthong vowels exhibit a degree of inherent dynamic change, the extent of which can vary synchronically and diachronically, such that diphthong vowels can become monophthongs and <em>vice versa.</em> Modelling this type of change requires defining diphthongs in opposition to monophthongs. However, formulating an explicit definition has proven elusive in acoustics and articulation, as diphthongisation is often gradient in these domains. In this study, we consider whether diphthong vowels form a coherent phonetic category from the articulatory point of view. We present articulometry and acoustic data from six speakers of Northern Anglo-English producing a full set of phonologically long vowels. We analyse several measures of diphthongisation, all of which suggest that diphthongs are not categorically distinct from long monophthongs. We account for this observation with an Articulatory Phonology/Task Dynamic model in which diphthongs and long monophthongs have a common gestural representation, comprising two articulatory targets in each case, but they differ according to gestural constriction and location of the component gestures. We argue that a two-target representation for all long vowels is independently supported by phonological weight, as well as by the nature of historical diphthongisation and present-day dynamic vowel variation in British English.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101349"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S009544702400055X/pdfft?md5=670338f240cebf09dd5c651ed57b935b&pid=1-s2.0-S009544702400055X-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Code-switching experience as a mitigating factor for cross-linguistic phonetic interference","authors":"Daniel J. Olson , Yuhyeon Seo","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101356","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101356","url":null,"abstract":"<div><h3>Abstract</h3><p>The present study investigates the extent to which code-switching experience modulates short-term cross-linguistic phonetic interference. Three experiments were conducted, each examining a different acoustic parameter in the context of code-switching, a dual language paradigm previously shown to enhance cross-linguistic phonetic interference. Bilinguals’ prior experience with code-switching was assessed using the Bilingual Code-Switching Profile. In Experiment 1, Korean–English bilinguals’ productions of F1 and F2 for the code-switched English vowel /æ/ were compared to monolingual (i.e., non-switched) Korean /e/ and English /æ/. While code-switched English vowels shifted in the direction of monolingual Korean vowels, the results suggest that bilinguals with more code-switching experience exhibited reduced cross-linguistic interference relative to those with less experience. In Experiments 2 and 3, Spanish–English bilinguals’ productions of fricative voicing (Experiment 2) and spirantization of intervocalic voiced stops (Experiment 3) in Spanish and English code-switched tokens were compared to monolingual tokens. Results suggest that participants with greater code-switching experience produced less evidence of cross-linguistic phonetic interference for both fricative voicing and intervocalic spirantization. Collectively, and suggesting a role for executive control mechanisms at the phonetic level, these findings illustrate that code-switching experience serves to mitigate short-term cross-linguistic interference.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101356"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tessa Bent , Malachi Henry , Rachael F. Holt , Holly Lind-Combs
{"title":"Relating pronunciation distance metrics to intelligibility across English accents","authors":"Tessa Bent , Malachi Henry , Rachael F. Holt , Holly Lind-Combs","doi":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101357","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wocn.2024.101357","url":null,"abstract":"<div><p>Unfamiliar accents can cause word recognition challenges, particularly in noisy environments, but few studies have incorporated quantitative pronunciation distance metrics to explain intelligibility differences across accents. To address this gap, intelligibility was measured for 18 talkers -- two from each of three first-language, one bilingual, and five second-language accents -- in quiet and two noise conditions. The relations between two edit distance metrics, which quantify phonetic differences from a reference accent, and intelligibility scores were assessed. Intelligibility was quantified through both fuzzy string matching and percent words correct. Both edit distance metrics were significantly related to intelligibility scores; a heuristic edit distance metric was the best predictor of intelligibility for both scoring methods. Further, there were stronger effects of edit distance as the listening condition increased in difficulty. Talker accent also contributed substantially to intelligibility models, but relations between accent and edit distance did not consistently pattern for the two talkers representing each accent. Frequency of production differences in vowels and consonants was negatively correlated with intelligibility, particularly for consonants. Together, these results suggest that significant amounts of variability in intelligibility across accents can be predicted by phonetic differences from the listener’s home accent. However, talker- and accent-specific pronunciation features, including suprasegmental characteristics, must be quantified to fully explain intelligibility across talkers and listening conditions.</p></div>","PeriodicalId":51397,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Phonetics","volume":"107 ","pages":"Article 101357"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0095447024000639/pdfft?md5=8f68608c6b33b9f8c629933aabc9e62b&pid=1-s2.0-S0095447024000639-main.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142241716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}