The Linguistic Review最新文献

{"title":"Labeling by type","authors":"Alain Rouveret","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2015","url":null,"abstract":"The primary goal of this article is to take advantage of some recent theoretical innovations in syntactic theorizing to propose a novel characterization of some of the basic word-order types isolated by typological research. In the minimalist framework, a necessary condition for a derivation to converge is that the structure it generates should be appropriately labeled. This requirement in particular holds for the major syntactic structures displayed by the various linguistic types. It will be argued that labeling theory, combined with phase theory and the variable syntax of inflectional and discourse features, offers contrasting characterizations of these structures and, as such, provides a window on how exactly SVO, V1 and V2 grammatical systems differ: they differ precisely in the strategy that each type selects in order for neutral declarative root clauses to satisfy the labeling requirement. It will also be shown that the topic and focus structures involving phrasal movement to the periphery, although different parametric choices are made by the various grammatical systems considered here, basically conform to the same requirement.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141936629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Flat structure: a minimalist program for syntax","authors":"Giuseppe Varaschin, Peter W. Culicover","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2016","url":null,"abstract":"We explore the possibility of assuming largely flat syntactic structures in Simpler Syntax, suggesting that these are plausible alternatives to conventional hierarchical structures. We consider the implications of flat structure for analyses of various linguistic phenomena in English, including heavy NP shift, extraposition, topicalization and constituent order variation in the VP. We also sketch a general strategy to circumvent some of the problems flat structure is said to cause for semantic interpretation. Our proposals eliminate the need for movement, unpronounced copies and feature-bearing nodes postulated to trigger syntactic operations. We assume the Parallel Architecture and use declarative schemas to establish direct correspondences between phonology on the one hand and syntactic and semantic structures on the other. The resulting picture is one in which narrow syntax can be relatively stable across languages and constructions, largely reflecting the structure of human thought, and the main source of linguistic variation is the linearization of conceptual and syntactic structures. Unlike other minimalist theories that reach a similar conclusion, the theory we propose takes mappings to phonology to be central to the architecture of grammar.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141737445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The morphosyntax of Ezafe in Southern Zazaki","authors":"Songül Gündoğdu, Arsalan Kahnemuyipour, Sable Peters","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2013","url":null,"abstract":"The present study describes and analyzes the morphosyntactic expression of the Southern Zazaki Ezafe – a linking element in the nominal domain common among Iranian languages. This morpheme is used to link modifiers (i.e. adjectives and possessors) to their head nouns as follows: <jats:sc>n</jats:sc>-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>1 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>1-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>2 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>2-<jats:sc>ez</jats:sc>3 <jats:sc>mod</jats:sc>3. Southern Zazaki, like other languages of the Kurdish region (and unlike, e.g. Persian) reflects phi-features (and case) of the head noun on each Ezafe morpheme in a noun phrase. This paper is focussed around two morphosyntactic puzzles that arise in Southern Zazaki. First, while the Ezafe marker in general reflects the case of the entire DP, the presence of a possessor produces invariant oblique case, regardless of the case value assigned to the DP externally (Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), <jats:italic>The Iranian languages</jats:italic>, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. <jats:italic>A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza</jats:italic>. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Toosarvandani, Maziar &amp; Coppe van Urk. 2014. The syntax of nominal concord: What Ezafe in Zazaki shows us. <jats:italic>Proceedings of NELS</jats:italic> 43(2). 209–220 <jats:italic>i.a.</jats:italic>). Second, Southern Zazaki uniquely employs a separate series of “D-form” Ezafe morphemes in certain syntactic contexts (Keskin, Mesut. 2010. Zazaca üzerine notlar (Notes on Zazaki). In Şükrü Aslan (ed.), <jats:italic>Herkesin Bildiugi Sır: Dersim</jats:italic>. Iletisim, 221–244; Paul, Ludwig. 2009. Zazaki. In Gernot Windfuhr (ed.), <jats:italic>The Iranian languages</jats:italic>, 545–586. Routledge; Todd, Terry Lynn. 2002. <jats:italic>A grammar of Dimili. Also known as Zaza</jats:italic>. Stockholm: Iremet Forlag; Werner, Brigitte. 2018. Forms and meanings of the Ezafe in Zazaki. In Saloumeh Gholami (ed.), <jats:italic>Endangered Iranian languages</jats:italic>. Reichert Verlag <jats:italic>i.a.</jats:italic>). This study aims to provide a cohesive analysis of Ezafe in Southern Zazaki both with respect to its general phi- and case-sensitive realizations, as well as the distribution of D-forms.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141737446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Only states can be gradable","authors":"Zoltan Zato","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2009","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I study Spanish sound emission verbs (<jats:italic>sonar</jats:italic> ‘to ring’) and degree achievements (<jats:italic>enfriar</jats:italic> ‘to cool’), which are intriguing insofar as they turn out to express gradable events, and argue that they are not gradable, although they can trigger quantity readings whereby there is a degree whose value changes throughout the event. Thus, my analysis aligns with other works on different languages (Japanese, German, Catalan and English) that have already pointed out that stativity is necessary to license gradability in certain syntactic constructions. However, my proposal goes a step forward insofar as it explicitly formulates that events cannot be gradable and explains in precise terms why gradability requires stativity. Assuming that activities are divisible into intervals and states into subintervals, I argue that gradability is only possible for the latter because it consists in measuring subintervals in intensity.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140881741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A syntactic analysis of in Spanish","authors":"Laura Ros García","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses how the negative particle <jats:italic>no</jats:italic> interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with <jats:italic>no</jats:italic>, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for &lt;<jats:italic>no</jats:italic> + event deverbal nominalization&gt; is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140612940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Glottal stop insertion and production planning domains in French","authors":"Tobias Scheer","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2011","url":null,"abstract":"The article introduces an experimental study of glottal stops that are generated by h aspiré (H) in French (<jats:italic>il [ʔ] hoche la tête</jats:italic>). To date the phenomenon is merely mentioned in passing, and evidence only comes from native speaker intuitions and cursory personal observation. Participants pronounced verbs that either did (<jats:italic>hocher</jats:italic>) or did not (<jats:italic>aimer</jats:italic>) begin with an H, whereby the left context was controlled for: the preceding word could end in a vowel (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aimes</jats:italic>), in a consonant (<jats:italic>il hoche</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aime</jats:italic>) or in a liaison consonant (LC <jats:italic>nous hochons</jats:italic>/<jats:italic>aimons</jats:italic>). Results confirm the observation made in the literature regarding the high variability of H: lexical (elision is much more frequent in <jats:italic>j’harcèle</jats:italic> than in <jats:italic>j’hais</jats:italic>), inter-speaker (some participants chose unelided <jats:italic>je</jats:italic> for 10 out of 12 H verbs, while others only for 4 H verbs) and intra-speaker (participants pronounced <jats:italic>vous [z] hissez</jats:italic> with liaison, while they chose <jats:italic>je hisse</jats:italic> in a multiple choice-based pretest). Results also confirmed that H is indeed a glottal stop creator: glottal stops occur much more often before H-initial than before V-initial words. The glottal stop rate also depended on the left context: while LC + H (<jats:italic>nous hochons</jats:italic>) and C + H (<jats:italic>il hoche</jats:italic>) are statistically indistinguishable, both are significantly distinct from V + H (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>). This suggests that glottal stop insertion is sensitive to all types of preceding consonants, whether they are pronounced (C + H) or not (LC + H). This result is relevant in the debate on French liaison where it was claimed that (some) LCs are epenthetic, that is absent from phonological computation when unpronounced: this view is challenged by the experimental evidence. On the analytic side, the article argues that all glottal stops that occur stand in Strong Position, i.e. word-initially or after a consonant {#,C}__ (Ségéral, Philippe &amp; Tobias Scheer. 2001. La Coda-Miroir. <jats:italic>Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris</jats:italic> 96. 107–152). The word-initial position is in fact domain-initial, and it is a long standing observation in the literature that H sets off its word into a separate domain. Thus even glottal stops in V + H (<jats:italic>tu hoches</jats:italic>) that appear to occur in intervocalic position may in fact be domain-initial V + [H]. The question then is what kind of domain could be responsible for the (rare) presence of glottal stops in V + V (<jats:italic>tu aimes</jats:italic>): such a domain V + [V] cannot stem from H, nor can it be of morpho-syntactic origin. It is argued","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"84 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140577081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"How word stress is realized in Thai: evidence from the ordering of coordinate compounds","authors":"Noppakao Sirintranon, Feng-fan Hsieh","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2008","url":null,"abstract":"This study challenges the widespread belief that Thai lacks word stress, demonstrating its pivotal role in morphophonology. Through a Maximum Entropy analysis, we investigated how specific segmental properties statistically influence speakers’ choices of word order in coordinate compounds. Results indicate a significant effect of phonological weight on the ordering patterns. Specifically, the dispreference for stop codas in final positions and the preference for long or low vowels word-finally converge to differentially distribute phonological weight, ensuring that final syllables are heavier in accordance with the Stress-to-Weight Principle. Additionally, a marginal affinity is observed between the final syllable and the (historical) high-register tone, aligning with the well-documented tone-stress interaction where high tones gravitate towards stressed syllables. These findings provide compelling evidence for the existence of word stress in Thai: compound stress necessarily coincides with word stress, as dictated by the Continuous Column Constraint. Thus, this work suggests that relying solely on phonetic cues is insufficient for identifying stress; instead, a comprehensive analysis incorporating “phonological exponents” is essential to capture the greater phonological contrasts licensed in stressed syllables. This study also contributes to a deeper understanding of metrical and prosodic prominence, revealing that word stress can sometimes be masked by higher-level prominence.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"90 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140577150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On wh and subject positions, the EPP, and contextuality of syntax","authors":"Ž. Bošković","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 By examining local subject A’-movement, the paper argues for a split IP and a contextual approach to the EPP where its locus is not a fixed, unique position, but varies depending on the syntactic context. The landing site of subject wh-movement (\u0000 who\u0000 \u0000 left) is argued to be lower than non-subject wh-movement (\u0000 who\u0000 \u0000 did he leave) but higher than regular subjects (\u0000 Amy\u0000 \u0000 left). Quirky subjects are argued to be lower than agreeing subjects, with a generalization proposed regarding their availability. The overall account is extended to many cases, including V-2 in Germanic, subject-restricted relativizations, only-subjects, Defaka focus-movement, Hong Kong Sign Language wh-movement, imperative and CP subjects, locative inversion, Singlish non-agreeing subjects, Japanese and Chinese subjects. Regarding the EPP, the paper argues for a contextual approach where, on a par with a contextual approach to phases, there is an EPP domain, with the highest projection in the EPP domain being the locus of the EPP (on a par with the highest projection in a phasal domain being a phase). This conception of the EPP is put into a broader perspective regarding a more general move toward contextuality in syntax.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139683138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The third way: object reordering as ambiguous labeling resolution","authors":"Adrian Stegovec","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2007","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines free object order alternation in ditransitives, focusing on Slovenian. It is shown that neither a scrambling nor a base generation analysis is fully satisfactory. A new analysis based on the <jats:italic>Labeling Algorithm</jats:italic> is proposed, where it is argued that the introduction of a second object creates an ambiguous labeling scenario ({NP,VP}), which has two equivalent resolutions: (i) movement of the VP with the first object inside, or (ii) movement of the second object. This is shown to derive both free object order in the general case and the restrictions on object order in select contexts, as due to the specifics of the VP-movement analysis it is possible for selectional restrictions to filter out either derivation (i) or (ii).","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"337 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139585948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A multi-dimensional derivation model under the free-MERGE system: labor division between syntax and the C-I interface","authors":"Victor Junnan Pan, Yuqiao Du","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes a general multi-dimensional derivation model under a free-MERGE system. MERGE indicates the derivational dimensions that participate the computation. Set-MERGE is considered as an operation that keeps the two merge-mates in the same dimension, and Pair-MERGE sends the two merge-mates to two different dimensions. Each dimension has its own Labeling Algorithm (LA); the LA inside one dimension ignores syntactic objects merged from other dimensions. The resulting multi-dimensional structure will then be transferred to the Conceptual-Intentional (C-I) interface. A syntactic object resulted from Pair-MERGE will be interpreted in terms of coordination relation or modification relation. Different possible labelings in a multi-dimensional structure gives rise to different modification possibilities at C-I. C-I can see the competition of different labels, and will exhaust every possibility to decide which labeling gives rise to an appropriate interpretation.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139515719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}