{"title":"西班牙语句法分析","authors":"Laura Ros García","doi":"10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses how the negative particle <jats:italic>no</jats:italic> interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with <jats:italic>no</jats:italic>, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <<jats:italic>no</jats:italic> + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.","PeriodicalId":501571,"journal":{"name":"The Linguistic Review","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"A syntactic analysis of in Spanish\",\"authors\":\"Laura Ros García\",\"doi\":\"10.1515/tlr-2024-2010\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"This paper addresses how the negative particle <jats:italic>no</jats:italic> interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with <jats:italic>no</jats:italic>, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <<jats:italic>no</jats:italic> + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.\",\"PeriodicalId\":501571,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"The Linguistic Review\",\"volume\":\"26 1\",\"pages\":\"\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2024-04-16\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"The Linguistic Review\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2010\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Linguistic Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2024-2010","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
本文探讨了否定语气词 "不 "如何与表示事件的西班牙语非动词性名词化相互作用。首先,本文指出,当前面有否定词时,这些名词化只会产生抑制性偶发读法,这与动词的情况相反,动词同时会产生抑制性偶发读法和否定性偶发读法。其次,研究表明,当这些名词化与 "不 "同时出现时,它们的词性会发生变化,因为它们不仅与事件有共同属性,而且与状态也有共同属性。第三,我们提出了一个关于 "no + 事件 "非动词名化的分析建议。我们认为,这种结构的解释和词性都来自否定与名词化句法配置的相互作用,特别是与负责触发事件的投射的相互作用。
This paper addresses how the negative particle no interacts with Spanish deverbal nominalizations that denote an event. Firstly, it is pointed out that, when preceded by negation, these nominalizations only give rise to the inhibited eventuality reading, contrary to what happens with verbs, which give rise to both the inhibited eventuality reading and the negated eventuality reading. Secondly, it is shown that, when these nominalizations co-occur with no, their lexical aspect is modified, as they share properties with events, but with states as well. Thirdly, a proposal of analysis for <no + event deverbal nominalization> is presented. We claim that both the interpretation and lexical aspect of this construction follow from the interaction of negation with the syntactic configuration of the nominalization and, specifically, with the projection responsible for the triggering of the eventuality.