Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-05-28DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf059
G Cristina Mora, Chelsea Daniels, Tianna Paschel
{"title":"What Lies between the Poles? Selective Uncertainty and Occluded Bias in Immigration Attitudes in California","authors":"G Cristina Mora, Chelsea Daniels, Tianna Paschel","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf059","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf059","url":null,"abstract":"Although much extreme discourse is found at the poles, we still know little about how individuals in the center make sense of immigration as “complicated” and even “too complex” to make sense of. Such issues are important to address if we are to better understand the contemporary landscape of bias and belonging and the character of attitudes in the middle. We examine the issue by drawing on a unique survey of Californians and illustrative, linked, in-depth interviews. Using latent class analysis we identify five distinct attitudinal classes, showing that three, constituting 40 percent of respondents, lie between consistently pro- and anti-immigrant stances. Our interviews reveal that rather than expressing undifferentiated views, those in the middle express patterned forms of selective uncertainty that, in turn, allow them to frame the issue differently. At an ideological level, selective uncertainty helps individuals to narrow the scope of immigration in terms of what is determinable, and thus rationalize political commitments with outgroup bias toward the undocumented. At a discursive level, selective uncertainty affords an opportunity to soften or occlude bias and create a distance from the poles, especially on the right. Taken together, our findings open up the “black-boxed” middle of immigration attitudes to reveal its distinct categorical characteristics and show how selective uncertainty allows individuals to make sense of their positions. We discuss the theoretical and methodological implications of our findings, including for understanding immigration attitudes as a field of positions more generally.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144165148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-05-26DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf063
Hilary J Holbrow
{"title":"Tainted leave: a survey-experimental investigation of flexibility stigma in Japanese workplaces","authors":"Hilary J Holbrow","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf063","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars posit that the flexibility stigma—a belief that workers who use flexible workplace policies, such as parental and sick leave—exacerbates gender inequality. However, a large body of research argues that the smaller number of men who take leaves face even more severe stigma than women because they violate norms of masculinity as well as the employers’ expectation that employees prioritize paid work. Empirical evidence in support of this claim comes largely from studies that estimate stigma using proxy measures such as leave uptake rates and pay inequality for leave takers. This study tests the gender deviance perspective more directly using survey experimental methods, in a setting where we would expect stigmatization of male leave takers to be particularly high—among workers in four elite firms in Japan. Drawing on data from over 8,000 employees, the results reveal that, even where the male breadwinner ideology is deeply entrenched, men’s leaves are no more stigmatized than women’s. To the contrary, there are no gender differences in stigmatization of sick leave, and women who take parental leave face more severe stigmatization than men. The results undercut claims that men face greater stigma when they take similar leaves as women, demonstrate the fallibility of proxy measures of stigma, and highlight how, in large Japanese firms, women remain doubly disadvantaged by the flexibility stigma.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"82 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144136778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-27DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf058
Samuel L Perry
{"title":"Order begins at home: Christian nationalism and control over children","authors":"Samuel L Perry","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf058","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf058","url":null,"abstract":"Studies have long documented a persistent link between sectarian Protestantism and authoritarian parenting ideologies and disciplinary practices. The current study proposes “Christian nationalism” as a schema that demands civic and social life be ordered according to sectarian Protestant norms, and consequently, a key dynamic in shaping how Americans think about parenting and punishment. Given that Christian nationalism seems rooted within particular community and parenting exposures and is powerfully linked with support for hierarchical gender relationships, authoritarian means of social control, and violence to govern problem populations, I theorize these associations represent a dynamic found not just for society or between couples, but in parenting approaches, specifically in prioritizing children’s obedience over their intellectual autonomy and support for corporal punishment. Drawing on data from the 1996, 2014, and 2021 General Social Surveys, I find Christian nationalism (measured in two ways) is a strong predictor that Americans prioritize obedience in children over children thinking for themselves, and endorse “hard spanking” to discipline children. These associations are robust to controls for numerous religious measures often found in association with these outcomes, as well as relevant political and demographic factors. Tests for interactions reveal inconsistent moderating effects, but among consistent patterns, Christian nationalism makes moderate and liberal Americans indistinguishable from their conservative counterparts on the issue of spanking. Findings affirm Christian nationalism has been and remains linked with prioritizing obedience to authority, deprioritizing independent thought, and endorsing the corrective use of violence, not only just for civil society but also those most vulnerable to coercion.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"79 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143878116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-23DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf049
Anna Brasseur
{"title":"Review of “When Rape Goes Viral: Youth and Sexual Assault in the Digital Age”","authors":"Anna Brasseur","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf049","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf049","url":null,"abstract":"This review explores Anna Gjika’s When Rape Goes Viral (2023), a sociological study of how digital technologies transform the dynamics of sexual violence among youth. Through detailed analysis of high-profile cases like Steubenville and Maryville, Gjika argues that social media not only amplifies rape culture but also shifts how consent, victimhood, and justice are perceived. The book examines the dual role of digital evidence—supporting survivors while sometimes retraumatizing them—and critiques the legal system’s limitations in addressing online forms of harm. The review highlights Gjika’s valuable contributions, including her call for restorative justice and consent education, while noting some limitations regarding intersectionality and global legal perspectives. Overall, the book is praised for its clarity, urgency, and relevance in the digital age.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143866320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-16DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf050
Mahbubeh Moqadam
{"title":"Fractal scaling of feminist politics and the emergence of woman life freedom movement in Iran","authors":"Mahbubeh Moqadam","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf050","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a socio-historical analysis of the ways women’s everyday resistance and struggles over several decades have contributed to the emergence of the Woman, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran. Drawing on archival and (digital) ethnographic data spanning from the mid-19th century to the 2022 WLF movement, I take a spatiotemporal approach to illustrate the evolution of feminist politics in social (non)movements in Iran. I argue that while state policies have historically constrained women’s access to and participation in sociopolitical spaces, these very constraints have gradually fueled the growth of grassroots feminist politics, which have incrementally scaled up to sustain and generate new forms of resistance and struggle. I specifically argue how the ongoing dialectical interaction between the state and women’s everyday resistance and historical struggles have led to the fractal expansion of feminist politics through decentralized feminist friendship networks that cultivate (in)visible forms of everyday resistance. This study has implications for understanding how women in general and feminist activists, in particular, navigate material circumstances and different forms of spaces for change across various spatiotemporal scales, particularly in authoritarian states, where feminist politics’ creativity and adaptability become essential forces for sustaining resistance and advancing social change.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143841234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-10DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf047
Marte Lund Saga
{"title":"The politics of the Norwegian capitalist class: the inner circle and wealthy owners","authors":"Marte Lund Saga","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf047","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the political activities of different segments within the capitalist class, comparing an inner circle of interlocked directors to a list of Norwegian wealthy owners. Drawing on a unique dataset that combines data on corporate boards with political participation records, the study compares wealthy owners and an “inner circle” of corporate directors. The findings reveal a division of labor within the capitalist class: while directors who are embedded in corporate networks participate more actively in institutionalized political settings, such as government advisory boards and business associations, wealthy owners exert their influence through financial contributions to political parties. Contrary to arguments suggesting that fragmentation of corporate networks weakens political power, this study shows that these groups continue to effectively promote their interests through distinct yet complementary strategies. The analysis highlights the continued political significance of both ownership and corporate directorships in influencing political processes, even in an “egalitarian” Scandinavian context. These findings challenge assumptions about a lack of cohesion and unity in the capitalist class and offer new insights into how economic power is translated into political influence.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143813893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-08DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf048
Tim S Müller
{"title":"Evidence for the welfare magnet hypothesis? A global examination using exponential random graph models","authors":"Tim S Müller","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf048","url":null,"abstract":"The welfare magnet hypothesis states that welfare generosity in destination countries is a migration pull factor. However, supporting evidence is mixed. Previous research has focused on explanatory factors in destination countries rather than in origin countries, examined migration from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development country perspectives rather than from a global perspective, and typically ignored that migration flows are not independent, thus overestimating welfare spending effects. We used exponential random graph models to examine migration flows between 160 countries and treated welfare spending in origin and destination countries as the main explanatory variable. Our findings show that social spending attraction effects largely disappear after controlling for various explanatory variables (gross domestic product, population size, geographic distance, democracy levels, and common spoken language). The migration preferences of low- and high-income groups do not mediate social spending attraction effects. Furthermore, flows between countries with similar spending levels are greater than flows between very low- and very high-spending countries, indicating migrant status maintenance. In conclusion, we find insufficient evidence that welfare spending strongly impacts migration.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143805927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-07DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf041
Samuel L Perry, Ruth Braunstein
{"title":"Not paying unto Caesar: Christian nationalism, politics, race, and opposition to taxation","authors":"Samuel L Perry, Ruth Braunstein","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf041","url":null,"abstract":"Americans’ views on taxation exercise a powerful influence on political outcomes. Yet these views cannot be solely attributed to partisanship or even racial or economic self-interest. Recent work on the cultural sociology of taxation stresses that Americans’ views on taxes are shaped by their understanding of proper social order. Integrating these insights with burgeoning work on Christian nationalism (representing an idealized ethno-cultural social order), we examine how Christian nationalism corresponds to Americans’ views on taxation and the moderating influences of key social identities. We analyze data from three national surveys containing three different multi-item Christian nationalism indexes and numerous taxation questions. Even after accounting for partisanship, political ideology, religious characteristics, and other relevant correlates, the more Americans affirm Christian nationalist views, the more likely they are to believe their own income tax is too high; favor tax cuts to promote economic growth; oppose redistributive taxes on wealthy persons and corporations; believe the rich pay too much in taxes while believing poorer Americans often do not pay their fair share; and oppose taxes to help the environment. Interactions indicate Christian nationalism’s association with opposition to taxation is often stronger among White Americans compared to Black Americans and most often more pronounced among liberals and Democrats since those on the ideological or partisan right largely oppose taxation regardless of their views on Christian nationalism. Findings extend research on both taxation and Christian nationalism, elucidating relational dynamics at play in the former and clarifying the racialized, partisan, classist, and libertarian nature of the latter.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143797833","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-06DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf042
Dana Shay, Esther Adi-Japha, Yossi Shavit
{"title":"Welfare benefit cuts in early childhood and future educational outcomes: a natural experiment","authors":"Dana Shay, Esther Adi-Japha, Yossi Shavit","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf042","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the long-term effect of early childhood poverty on a child’s life prospects presents a methodological challenge due to the potential endogeneity of family income, making it difficult to establish a clear causal relationship. This study addresses this challenge by exploiting a natural experiment: a major reduction in child allowances and income support benefits for families with young children, which disproportionately affected large and low-income families. We examine the subsequent impact of this policy change on children’s educational achievements. Using administrative population data, we compare the standardized test scores of Israeli fifth-grade students born in 2002—just before the reform, when social security allowances were more generous—to those born in 2004, immediately after the reform was implemented. OLS and Difference-in-Differences analyses reveal a significant negative effect on the test scores of pupils from low-income, large families born after the reform. In particular, fifth-and-last birth-order children in low-income families exhibited significantly lower scores compared to their counterparts born before the reform. No similar effect was observed among children of lower birth order or those from higher-income families born after the reform. These findings underscore the lasting effect of early childhood socioeconomic disparities on educational outcomes and highlight the critical role of social security policy changes in shaping long-term inequality among vulnerable social groups.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143790119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Social ForcesPub Date : 2025-04-06DOI: 10.1093/sf/soaf046
Yiang Li, Linda J Waite
{"title":"It is not what you weigh, it is how you present it: body size, attractiveness, physical functioning, and access to partnership and sexuality for older men and women","authors":"Yiang Li, Linda J Waite","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf046","url":null,"abstract":"Physical attractiveness has been linked to better economic, dyadic, and health outcomes but is understudied. We focus here on the gendered implications of attractiveness for one component of social well-being, access to intimate partnership and sexuality, among older adults. In addition, we examine the role of body size, as measured and rated by an observer, in evaluating attractiveness and the diverging consequences for women and men. We use data from Rounds 1 (2005–2006) and 2 (2010–2011) of the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (N = 2,144) to explore the association of two measures of body size, weight relative to height (body mass index [BMI]) and interviewer assessments of body size, with sexual behavior that requires a partner and sexual behavior that does not. We find that at larger body sizes as reflected in both the BMI and rated body shape, women—but not men—face a lower probability of having a partner and engaging in partnered sex, and a lower frequency of vaginal intercourse and receiving sexual touch. These associations are mediated by physical functioning for the BMI and by attractiveness as rated by the interviewer for rated body shape. We also find that women—but not men—are more likely to report finding sex not pleasurable at a higher BMI, which partly operates through the mechanism of functional limitations. We suggest that these findings reflect different attractiveness standards for men and women, which reduce women’s access to partners and partnered sex but not solitary sex, such as masturbation.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"251 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143790118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}