Development and Change最新文献

{"title":"The Contrasting Footprint of Labour and Capital in Post-colonial India","authors":"Jan Breman","doi":"10.1111/dech.12845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12845","url":null,"abstract":"<p>India's struggle for independence held the promise of an end to poverty and redemption from the communal-cum-class-based inequality which had kept the peasant economy backward. But the planned substitution of the agrarian-rural fabric for an industrial-urban way of life failed to materialize. Casualization and contractualization of waged work indicated that labour had become thoroughly commodified in a state of ongoing footlooseness. It was a proletarianization which did not allow for the collective action precondition to raise and settle the social question. The onslaught of neoliberal capitalism in the last quarter of the 20th century ended the brokerage of the nation state to secure the interests of labour next to those of capital. Less than 10 per cent of the workforce has continued to enjoy formalized occupational engagement, mainly in the downgraded public economy. Corporate capital in collusion with statist autocracy has not only effectuated the deregulation of employment but also abandoned the legal code of formality. The outcome is a state of lawlessness for the people at the bottom of the pile. Besides big business, politics and governance are identified in this reconfiguration as stakeholders in a brutal regime of informality, erosive of equality, democracy, welfare and civil rights.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"533-559"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12845","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142524535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Militarized Development in Post-war Sri Lanka: Consolidating Control","authors":"Thiruni Kelegama","doi":"10.1111/dech.12847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12847","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Development is an important, yet contentious word, in the history of post-colonial Sri Lanka. Typically, it is linked with economic progress and societal change, intricately woven into political processes and frequently utilized as a platform to promote Sinhala-Buddhist ethnonationalist agendas. This article looks at post-colonial Sri Lanka's ‘core development project’ — the Mahaweli Development Programme — and its post-war revival with the military as a key actor. Through a detailed ethnographic study, it traces the way in which the military assumed extraordinary powers and became vital to the post-colonial project of development and the militarized practices that enabled this. The author argues that this project of militarized development unfolds in a fourfold manner: by normalizing the presence of the military; by ensuring the military is seen as charitable; by blurring the boundaries between the military and civilians; and lastly by portraying the work carried out by the military as transformative. The article concludes by demonstrating that this militarized project of development is the latest iteration of the long-standing post-colonial project of Sinhala-Buddhist state expansion, enabled through development.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 5","pages":"965-992"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12847","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142596358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Devaluation of Essential Work: An Assessment of the 2023 ILO Report","authors":"Sara Stevano","doi":"10.1111/dech.12844","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12844","url":null,"abstract":"<p>ILO, <i>World Employment and Social Outlook 2023: The Value of Essential Work</i>. Geneva: International Labour Office, 2023. xxv + 254 pp. www.ilo.org/publications/flagship-reports/world-employment-and-social-outlook-2023-value-essential-work</p><p>The value of essential work, while long debated, became a central point of discussion during the COVID-19 pandemic, when workers across the world continued to perform what was deemed essential work while exposed to multiple risks. The 2023 International Labour Organization (ILO) flagship report <i>World Employment and Social Outlook 2023: The Value of Essential Work</i> rekindles this discussion by shedding light on the persisting disparities during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic between the societal recognition of certain types of work as essential and the actual conditions faced by those performing such work. Despite public expressions of gratitude during the pandemic, tangible improvements in working conditions for this group of workers have largely failed to materialize. In some cases, the mental and physical well-being of these workers has even deteriorated in the long run.</p><p>This Assessment explores the key insights and limitations of the report from a feminist political economy perspective attuned to power dynamics across various scales. The report provides valuable data on essential or key workers and enterprises, elucidating who they are as well as their working conditions both before and during the pandemic. Essential or key workers are defined in the report as those people in occupations deemed essential by 126 countries at the onset of the pandemic in March and April 2020, bar those workers who could carry out essential work from home. Importantly, the report centres the paradoxical nature of essential work — its recognition as vital for meeting the needs of society and its severe undervaluation despite this. However, it fails to consider that essential work is not merely a reflection of societal needs but is also a result of class struggles, political negotiations and historical biases. The ILO's adoption of a universal definition of essential work therefore obscures the contested nature of this category that was used by governments worldwide during the pandemic. Furthermore, the report lacks an explanation for <i>why</i> essential work is undervalued, offering useful but limited policy recommendations. This article argues that the devaluation of essential work stems from a fundamental dilemma within contemporary capitalism: its inherent tendency to destabilize the conditions necessary for social reproduction.</p><p>Before proceeding, a clarification of terminology is necessary. In the report, the ILO acknowledges that during the COVID-19 pandemic, the terms ‘key worker’ and ‘essential worker’ were often used interchangeably — something that is reflected in literature, policy and public discourse. However, the term ‘key worker’ is used in the report because the term ‘ess","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"910-930"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12844","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142525641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Legacy of Maria Mies to the Feminist Movement and the Struggle for Human Liberation","authors":"Silvia Federici","doi":"10.1111/dech.12843","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12843","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"878-891"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12843","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141814595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the Economics of Cross-border Reparations Payments: The Case for a Bank of International Reparations","authors":"Carolyn Sissoko","doi":"10.1111/dech.12842","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12842","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article considers the challenge of ensuring that international reparations payments are effective in benefiting the recipient countries of such reparations. To guarantee that these financial flows provide long-term benefits to the recipient economies, the article recommends the adoption of a developmental state approach to the use of the funds. It also considers in detail the advantages of establishing a Bank of International Reparations that serves as a trustee for the receipt and distribution of reparations, facilitates coordination of the use of reparations across countries to avoid disadvantageous forms of competition, provides investment banking services to support the use of the reparations to fund a domestically focused ‘sovereign wealth fund’, and provides ‘public option’ commercial banking services to recipient country firms in order to foster the growth of recipient country economies. Finally, the article finds that the most effective means of funding the reparations would be to use Special Drawing Rights (or SDRs).</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"700-726"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12842","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141659566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Global North–South Reparations: Demand-side and Supply-side Policies with a Dynamic View of International Trade and Finance","authors":"Bidisha Lahiri,&nbsp;William A. Darity Jr.","doi":"10.1111/dech.12841","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12841","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This study begins with an overview of illustrative scenarios that historically have resulted in imbalances of economic well-being, growth and stability which demarcate the Global South and the Global North. The authors examine alternative approaches to reparations for those structural imbalances, from monetary transfers that are more likely to have demand-side implications to capacity-building approaches that are more likely to affect supply-side conditions for the Global South. Targeted supply-side strategies lean more towards rehabilitation rather than purely compensatory measures aimed at redress for historical injustices and exploitations faced by the Global South. Economic analysis underpins a discussion of these different reparations strategies. The authors argue that a dynamic approach to understanding the impact of reparations is essential. This calls for a broader strategy to be adopted, offering unconditional support in practical areas such as industrial policy, investment in manufacturing, capacity building in research and development, and initiatives for general infrastructure development. More importantly, these policies must be guided by the needs identified by the people of the nations in the Global South. Moreover, for any reparations endeavours to have enduring effects, they must be reinforced by the elimination of current external imbalances that exist within the frameworks of international economic relations.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"672-699"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12841","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141671358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Colonialism, Genocide and Reparations: The German-Namibian Case","authors":"Henning Melber","doi":"10.1111/dech.12840","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12840","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 2015 the German government acknowledged that the Empire committed genocide in its colony South West Africa, known since its independence as Namibia. This acknowledgement marked a new reference point in how to engage with colonial crimes. Since then, Germany has fallen short of bearing full and unconditional responsibility for and recognition of the crime in terms of restorative justice. While Germany deserves credit for its commemoration and remorse over the Holocaust during World War II, victims of other forms of extermination with the intent to destroy still crave adequate recognition, commemoration and compensation in the form of reparations. This article presents the Namibian case to illustrate the contradictions and limitations that emerge when general notions are tested and undermined by asymmetric power relations of <i>Realpolitik</i>.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"773-799"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12840","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141688241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Dependency in the Digital Age? The Experience of Mercado Libre in Latin America","authors":"Sebastián Fernández Franco,&nbsp;Juan M. Graña,&nbsp;Cecilia Rikap","doi":"10.1111/dech.12839","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.12839","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article uses Mercado Libre, the leading digital platform company in Latin America, as an illustrative case to analyse the effect of regional platforms on development, by considering their interplay with both global leaders and local actors. Building on dependency theory, the article identifies the company's structural dependence on algorithms and computing power provided by the largest information technology (Big Tech) companies in the United States. Nonetheless, it also finds that Mercado Libre is at the frontier in applied data analysis solutions tailored for its businesses. Together with a privileged access to personalized and cross-fertilized market and financial datasets, the company's internal and purchassed technologies are the source of asymmetric relationships with its platforms’ users. The article conceptualizes Mercado Libre's place in digital capitalism as extractivist with local actors and, just like local elites when dependency theory was first formulated, it is complicit with global powers. But, unlike those elite firms, it is not technologically laggard, and its value capture is underpinned by its technological advantage. Thus, this article conceptualizes (digital) dependency as multiple layers of economic power in which leading firms from the peripheries occupy intermediate and interconnecting positions. It shows that, while these regional leaders operate at the technological frontier, economic power relations based on technological asymmetries remain crucial for studying underdevelopment.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 3","pages":"429-464"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12839","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141556730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Political Economy of ‘Failure’ in The World Bank-funded Bisri Dam in Lebanon","authors":"Mona Khneisser","doi":"10.1111/dech.12838","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12838","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The World Bank-funded Bisri Dam in Lebanon represents an emblematic case of a high-modernist project that has foundered on a mix of hydrogeological recalcitrance, popular opposition and compounding crises. Examining the popular contestation surrounding the Bisri Dam, this article offers a socio-ecological material lens on post-colonial state building and the political economy of infrastructural failure. Avoiding the analytical impasse of crisis epistemes and heuristics of failure within the long tradition of development studies on the Global South in general, and Lebanon in particular, the article poses a number of questions. How are ‘crises’ and ‘failures’ constitutive of capitalist development, and for whom are they generative? How can the ubiquitous failures of the promises of infrastructure become an opportunity for the re-animation, re-appropriation and re-politicization of hydrogeologies and political imaginaries? Rather than perceiving them as aberrations, the author argues that failures are constitutive of high-modernist infrastructural development, its liberal prescriptive techno-political models, and the speculative logics of endless ruination. Yet, failures can also become generative, instigating new political imaginaries and historical subjectivities. The article pays special attention to competing modalities of power, focusing on the collective power of oppositional groups, coupled with the material recalcitrant power of local hydrogeology, in resisting unviable, speculative infrastructure.</p>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 3","pages":"351-374"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12838","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141341115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Case for Climate Reparations by Fossil Fuel Companies: Ethical Foundations, Monetary Estimates and Feasibility","authors":"Marco Grasso","doi":"10.1111/dech.12837","DOIUrl":"10.1111/dech.12837","url":null,"abstract":"<div>\u0000 \u0000 <p>This contribution argues that the fossil fuel industry has played a major role in human-driven climate change and should agree to shoulder the burden of the associated damages. To this end, the article develops a responsibility-based approach to operationalize and quantify fossil fuel companies’ climate reparations and locate them in the current political economy context. It explains the rationale for a responsibility-based approach to climate reparations, investigates their foundational elements and proposes a Global Climate Reparations Fund to manage them. The article continues by providing a typology of climate reparations and their operational aspects, which makes it possible to quantify the financial burden as amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars annually over the coming decades. The political economy of climate reparations, with particular attention to their feasibility, is then analysed. The article lays the groundwork for a reasoned dialogue within and between civil society and political representatives of different backgrounds on the responsibility of fossil fuel companies in the climate crisis and on their role in rectifying climate damages through reparations.</p>\u0000 </div>","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"55 4","pages":"727-751"},"PeriodicalIF":3.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.12837","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141271919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}