Journal of Political Philosophy最新文献

{"title":"Myth of Leviathan (On Giorgio Agamben’s Reading of the Dispute between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt)","authors":"Rodion Belkovich, T. M. Khabibulin","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-7-22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-7-22","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to one of the key disputes for the intellectual history of Europe in the last century, which unfolded in the first half of the 20th century between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt. The starting point of the analysis is the reading of this dispute by Giorgio Agamben. According to Agamben, the main point of disagreement between the two thinkers is the possibility of the existence of violence, completely autonomous from law and sovereign power. Answering this question in the affirmative, Benjamin introduces the category of pure violence, which, from his point of view, is capable of destroying the existing law without recreating the logic of power institutions. Schmitt opposes this argument, appealing to his theory of the state of emergency, in which there is no violence outside the realm of law. In the course of the study, the authors take into account another thinker — Georges Sorel, whose views influenced both participants in the dispute. The authors focus on Sorel’s concept of political myth and utilize it to discuss another important point of tension between Benjamin, Schmitt, and Agamben (to the extent that he spoke about the matter of the dispute) — Thomas Hobbes’ treatise Leviathan. After analyzing the conflict of interpretations of the eschatological myth ascribed to the treatise, the authors come to the conclusion that de facto at the core of the controversy between Benjamin and Schmitt lies the possibility of overcoming the political myth, which underlies modern political institutions, and the main strategy of the participants of the dispute is the localization of this myth.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85273239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Party Ideologies through the Prism of Administrative Paradigms","authors":"G. Borshchevskiy","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-83-103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-83-103","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of proposals for the reform of public administration in the programs of the Russian political parties that participated in the 2021 Duma elections, the assessment of their coherency and realism as an indicator of the party’s political maturity, its willingness to implement its slogans in practice. Using classification methods, as well as content and thesaurus analysis, the author documents similarities and differences between these proposals and considers them through the prism of party ideologies and basic administrative paradigms. The study does not reveal a clear correlation between party ideology and proposals for improving public administration: party programs with polar ideologies have similar proposals. At the same time, the author discovers a connection between party ideologies and administrative paradigms presented in the programs. Left-wing parties are oriented towards Good Governance i.e., the openness of the authorities and the involvement of citizens in the administration. New Public Management associated with economic efficiency and client-centric state is typical to right-wing and (to some degree) centrist parties. The Weberian paradigm with its emphasis on the legality and procedural aspects is scarcely presented in the programs of Russian parties. In general, the paradigm of Good Governance is most popular in the programs. The author explains the dominance of this paradigm in party programs both with the populist trend gaining strength all over the world and with a request for social justice inherent in the Russian society. However, according to his conclusion, although parties and society are ready for cooperation, which is reflected in discursive practices, such readiness conflicts with the underdevelopment of the mechanisms of the implementation of Good Governance, which have not yet been developed even at the level of theory. He sees a possible solution to this problem in the unification of the efforts of political scientists and specialists in public administration and overcoming the mismatch between these disciplines.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"50 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79786326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Cinderella Complex” Half a Century Later: Modern Approaches to the Study of Populism and Their Empirical Application","authors":"I. Sumaneev","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-168-185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-107-4-168-185","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the topic of populism has become one of the most popular in Political Science. At the same time, the very content of the concept of populism remains subject of scientific debates, which inevitably affects empirical studies, because it is the theoretical framework that determines the choice of specific analysis tools. The article intends to serve as a kind of navigator for those who plan to engage in an empirical study of populism, to outline the set of conceptualizations of this phenomenon that are currently used. The article considers three theoretical approaches to populism — ideational, political-strategic, and performative. The author briefly touches upon the history and content of each of these approaches, discusses their empirical application, as well as their inherent advantages and disadvantages, after which he shows in what type of research they can be productive. According to his conclusion, ideational approach is optimal for conducting cross-national studies or extensive quantitative studies within one country. Political-strategic approach could be useful when studying populism in Latin America or in countries, where parties are poorly institutionalized. Performative approach could be a better choice if the study focuses on populist interactions with the media, or on a particular case study.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82396527","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Refuge and Aid†","authors":"Victor Tadros","doi":"10.1111/jopp.12286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12286","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Horrific scenes of needy migrants attempting to enter wealthy countries, often after expensive, arduous, and dangerous journeys, move many to believe that more such migrants should be permitted to enter and reside. But there are also horrific scenes of desperately needy people at a distance from wealthy countries—the distant needy—who are persecuted by their states, internally displaced due to armed conflict, or who suffer from preventable disease, insecurity, malnutrition, homelessness, and poor education. Wealthy countries could use resources under their control to assist these people. Just migration policies are part of a more general scheme of international justice owed to needy migrants and the distant needy.</p><p>One question concerns the overall stringency and source of duties of the duties wealthy countries owe to the needy. Many will agree that they do too little. These obligations arise because wealthy countries exploit poorer countries by misusing economic and military power; or they have benefited from the historic unjust exercise of colonial power and economic exploitation; or the norms of distributive justice that apply due to (or independently of) global economic or institutional integration; or simply because of the general duty to assist those in need.</p><p>I explore the distinct issue of the comparison between duties owed to needy migrants and the distant needy. International law prioritizes at least some needy migrants over the distant needy. Some needy migrants have refugee status, resulting in legal obligations to protect them. But states owe no general legal obligations to assist the distant needy, even those facing identical threats to needy migrants. Needy migrants also figure more vividly in the popular imagination than the distant needy, leading people to fight more vociferously for improving immigration rights than for increased international aid.</p><p>I focus on cases where it is costly to assist needy people. I assume that wealthy countries have duties to impose costs on their citizens to assist needy people, and that particular wealthy countries are not required to assist all the needy people they can assist. Given this, who should be prioritized?</p><p>Section I briefly explores three factors that might seem relevant: distance, identity, and risk. Without exploring these issues in depth, I argue that they are unlikely to justify systematic prioritization of needy migrants over the distant needy. Section II explores whether needy migrants should be prioritized either because they are easier to assist or because the threats of wrongdoing that they face are especially grave. Neither factor typically supports assisting needy migrants over the distant needy. Sections III and IV consider whether duties to needy migrants are more stringent than duties to the distant needy because, unlike the distant needy, needy migrants will be harmed (or its moral equivalent) if they are prevented from making themselves safe by bei","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"31 1","pages":"102-125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/jopp.12286","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50155043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Journal of Political Philosophy Index, Volume 30 (2022)","authors":"","doi":"10.1111/jopp.12285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12285","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"30 4","pages":"559-561"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"137634562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Case against Unanimous Jury Requirements*","authors":"Vishnu Sridharan","doi":"10.1111/jopp.12284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12284","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"31 1","pages":"24-41"},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50127828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Using Images of the Soviet Past in the Discourse of United Russia and CPRF","authors":"E. Meleshkina, Ivan Fomin","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-80-104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-80-104","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the specificities of the use of the Soviet past in the rhetoric of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the United Russia. Based on the analysis of the texts of the leaders and functionaries of these parties, the authors reveal the goals of addressing the Soviet heritage, the distinguishing features of its interpretation, the invoked discursive strategies and macrosemantic structures. The authors show how interpreting the Soviet past and establishing its connection with the present and future of Russia serve the tasks of political identification of the party and legitimization of its position. According to the authors’ conclusion, the specifics of the studied parties’ appeal to the Soviet legacy is largely determined by the position they occupy in the country’s political system, as well as the history of their creation and development. With the help of the references to the USSR and certain aspects of its existence, representatives of the United Russia are trying to legitimize the current political course. By focusing on the achievements of the Soviet period, they demonstrate the historical continuity of the current political regime and its orientation towards stability; while by noting the shortcomings of the Soviet system, they highlight how current regime is different and emphasize its successes. Representatives of the United Russia use analogies with political organizations of the past to self-identify as a force that supports and largely ensures the course towards strengthening the Russian state, as well as to present the non-systemic opposition and external players as forces that undermine its stability. The main purpose of referring to the Soviet past in the texts of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is to demonstrate the continuity of the party in relation to the Soviet period, with the latter being interpreted mostly positively. At the same time, the appeal to certain events of the past allows communists to criticize the current domestic political course, present themselves as an opposition force and support the actions of the Russian government in the international arena.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"98 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72439206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Party Leaders in the Regions of Russia: Analyzing the Logic of Resignations","authors":"R. Turovsky, M. Sukhova","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-130-157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-130-157","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the dynamics and factors that explain resignations of regional party leaders in Russia via the example of the United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). The authors studied rotations of the leaders of the above mentioned parties’ regional branches and revealed the general logic of this process, documenting important differences in its intensity. Possessing limited resources, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not seek to frequently replace its first secretaries in the regions; on the contrary, the turnover within the regional organizations of the United Russia is extremely active. The authors found a correlation between personnel turnover in the United Russia and electoral cycles, with federal elections having a more profound effect on them than regional ones. In the recent years, resignations after elections have become a priority choice, while earlier, during the formation of the United Russia party network, replacements often took place during the preparation of election campaigns. In turn, the regression analysis has revealed only an unstable influence on the removal from office of regional leaders of Russian parties of external and internal factors, usually identified by researchers of Western democracies, including the results obtained by these parties in the elections. One possible explanation for this finding, according to the authors, could lie in the high importance of intra-party patron-client networks, the analysis of which is hampered by the difficulties with data verification. Another reason is the impact of the principles of personnel selection, set by the central party leadership, on the turnover. This influence is especially clear-cut in the United Russia that in the recent years has relied on the combination of the posts of regional party leaders and governors, the practice that was previously discouraged. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which is experiencing a shortage of personnel, is more likely to demonstrate a tendency towards conserving the party leadership. Therefore, the replacement of party secretaries in the CPRF is more often due to the advanced age or death of the former leader, as well as internal conflicts.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76506849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Concept of the State in the Philosophical-Political Theories of Sergei Hessen and Ivan Ilyin (“Legal Socialism” vs. “Legal Conservatism”)","authors":"I. Demin","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-28-47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-28-47","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the interpretations of the state presented in the works of Sergei Gessen and Ivan Ilyin, two Russian philosophers of the first half of the 20th century. The article demonstrates that the similarity between these interpretations lies primarily in the rejection of legal nihilism and legal positivism. Both philosophers distanced themselves from the mechanistic view of society and the state, which is germane to classical liberalism, and defended the principle of the sovereignty of law in public life. Differences in the understanding of the essence of the state by Gessen and Ilyin are caused by the discrepancy between the initial axiological, worldview, philosophical, and methodological presumptions. Conceptually, Ilyin compares the state to an integral spiritual organism, while for Gessen the state is nothing more than the highest coordinating body in the system of public life. According to Ilyin, the state performs a dual function: it ensures the spiritual unity of the people and protects the spiritual autonomy of an individual. Gessen, for his part, sees the main task of the state in protecting the “impenetrability” of an individual and asserting her supra-legal status. The interpretation of the relationship between the state and law proposed by Ilyin is monistic: “law and order” equal to the “state law and order”. Gessen’s concept of “legal socialism” is pluralistic: the state legal order coexists with non-state (social) legal orders that emerge in various communities, while state power loses its role as the only source of positive legal norms.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74403261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"New Forms of Employment and New Social Groups: Projection into Politics (Case of Spain)","authors":"S. Khenkin","doi":"10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-179-196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2022-106-3-179-196","url":null,"abstract":"The post-industrial era that the modern world ushered in has radically changed the labor market structure. The share of population employed in primary (agriculture) and secondary (industry) economic sectors has noticeably decreased while the third (services) and fourth (education, science, and healthcare) sectors have gained significance and increased shares of employment. However, unlike the first sector and especially unlike the second sector, in which labor is almost always systemic, the third and fourth sectors possess a huge demand for unstable (flexible, unsustainable, atypical) forms of employment. Therefore, the social structure of the society has witnessed the emergence of a massive layer of population who is not permanently employed. This is the so-called precariat, deprived of stable social guaranties that the workers enjoyed in the industrial era. In this context the case of Spain is of interest, since it outpaces the majority of the European Union countries in terms of the share of atypical employment. The precarization in this country leaves a deep imprint on various spheres of the society, including the party-political system. Precariat demonstrates a whole gamut of reactions to the surrounding world — ranging from extreme apathy and alienation from the political system to different forms of activism. Nevertheless, the precariat is far from turning into the “class for itself”, as it does not have a specific political consciousness. Without making political demands and lacking organizations that promote their interests, the politically active precariat frequently uses new types of social movements organized by social networks in order to express its discontent. The Spanish experience demonstrates that, in general, unstable employment becomes a source of societal risks. The reduction of the scale of such employment is the imperative for that part of the ruling class that is seriously concerned with the nefarious implications of mass precarization.","PeriodicalId":47624,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Political Philosophy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.8,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90771854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}