{"title":"Governance by Patching: A Comparative Analysis of Adaptive Policy Implementation","authors":"Rajesh Veeraraghavan, Atul Pokharel","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09425-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09425-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Through a comparative case study, we develop the theory of top-down, iterative and fine-grained state planning and implementation called <i>governance by patching</i>. By patching, state institutions can repeatedly change plans based on local information during implementation. We analyze two surprising examples of this understudied mechanism in a prototypical highly centralized state that would be least likely to display this dynamism. First, the Indian Supreme Court engaged in responsive implementation to convert passenger-carrying vehicles in Delhi to Compressed Natural Gas (CNG), a clean fuel. Second, the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh successfully implemented a rural right-to-work program, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), using digital technology. They show how patching occurs over different time scales, within a hierarchical organization, as well as between organizations, and in both rural and urban settings. Governance by patching illustrates dynamism within centralized state institutions without requiring institutional changes.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"89 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140840865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reimagining Transcalar Civil Society Advocacy Collaborations: Starting from the Global South","authors":"Margit van Wessel","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09426-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09426-2","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Addressing the currently highly salient topic of power in civil society collaborations, this article seeks to contribute to reimagining advocacy collaborations in the context of contractual relations between civil society organizations in development. It explores the integration of common aims: (1) relating between levels, commonly sought in civil society advocacy programmes in development and (2) local ownership for civil society organizations in the Global South, in such programmes. Based on 29 interviews with staff of civil society organizations, the article shows that country-based actors see collective process, centered at country level, as the foundation for effective collaboration in advocacy, centering on facilitation and support. This turns collaborations with the international NGO that is involved upside down. It also highlights the limited scope for international advocacy from such understandings, while underlining the role of international NGOs in expanding this scope. At the same time, rather than marginalizing the international NGO, country-based actors see a variety of important roles for international advocates at both national and international levels. Based on these insights, the article proposes new, transformative starting points for shaping transcalar civil society advocacy that integrate advocacy at different levels in new ways, grounded in mutual long-term engagement, with a focus on facilitation and support, while expanding horizons, with a country-up approach.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"302 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140611724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opportunities and Choices During Environmental Licensing: Community Participation in Latin America’s Extractive Sectors","authors":"Maiah Jaskoski","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09416-w","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09416-w","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In many Latin American countries, the state is to inform communities about proposed large-scale development that affects them, often in a public hearing on the environmental impact study (<i>estudio de impacto ambiental</i>, EIA). This article explores the role of the EIA public hearing in environmental governance, specifically in terms of local community participation in extractives. Analysis of nine mining and hydrocarbon conflicts in Colombia and Peru reveals that sometimes the public hearing is a space for project opponents alone to participate intensively, with a focus on altering development outcomes; in other cases, activists and project supporters compete at hearings; and, finally, some communities eschew the hearing entirely. The study points to two factors to explain this variation: first, whether the public hearing is a mandatory stage in environmental licensing, and second, the cohesion of impacted communities. Running counter to existing criticisms of the structures that govern public hearings in Colombian environmental licensing, the article finds that the hurdle for Colombian communities of requesting the hearing has contributed to effective organizing by movements opposed to large-scale development.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"132 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139945634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Permissive Regulations and Forest Protection","authors":"Candelaria Garay","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09421-z","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09421-z","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The subnational implementation of forest protection legislation is an important aspect of forest governance. In this article, I explore how competing interests regarding production and conservation affect forest protection at the local level in the Argentine Chaco Forest, which represents 60 percent of the Chaco Americano, the second largest forest in South America. Employing original and administrative data, I assess whether deforestation is associated with large producers, who seek to expand soy cultivation into forestlands, and the presence of indigenous communities, who favor forest protection. Quantitative analysis of the departments in the Chaco region suggests that overall deforestation is associated with soy cultivation and past deforestation. In contrast, forest loss in protected areas, which should be zero but represents almost half of total deforestation during the studied period, is positively associated with the number of indigenous communities in the department, the share of protected forestlands, the power of large producers, and past deforestation. Qualitative analysis suggests that lands inhabited by indigenous communities were generally granted protected status, as requested by national legislation and consistent with demands of indigenous groups and their allies. Yet, this protected status has been watered down by permissive regulations and the overall lax enforcement of forest protection legislation, which were in turn driven by large producers invested in cropland expansion.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139945623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Citizen-Led Environmental Governance: Regulating Urban Wetlands in South America","authors":"","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09420-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09420-0","url":null,"abstract":"<h3>Abstract</h3> <p>Wetlands provide ecosystem services such as flood protection, improved water quality, and wildlife habitat, but are under attack in urban land-use conflicts in the Global South. This article presents two cases of local wetlands governance conflicts in Colombia (Humedal la Conejera, Bogotá, Cundinamarca) and Argentina (Laguna de Rocha, Esteban Echeverría, Gran Buenos Aires) to illustrate divergent pathways toward improved environmental governance via citizen pressures: the collaborative method (Bogotá) and the adversarial method (Buenos Aires). While existing scholarship on citizen-led regulation stresses the importance of collaboration between community organizations and the state, this article argues that adversarial tactics are also a key component of environmental governance. In both cases, citizen-led pressures led to increased enforcement of regulatory measures to restore wetlands and gain protected-area status. Citizen-led governance involved adversarial strategies such as marches, litigation, and shaming and blaming in the media, as well as collaborative strategies such as creating broad-based educational forums, working inside city government, and partnering directly with public institutions to set new policies. Against the backdrop of extensive collusion between elected officials and land developers, citizen-led subnational environmental governance has become the regulatory regime of last resort in urban Latin America.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"280 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139772935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Civil Society Under Attack: The Consequences for Horizontal Accountability Institutions","authors":"Hannah Smidt, Jessica Johansson, Thomas Richter","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Existing research shows that the activity of independent civil society organizations (CSOs) is an important ingredient of democratization and democratic consolidation. Yet, what happens when governments impose restrictions on CSO activity? This manuscript investigates how restrictions on CSOs affect the quality of horizontal accountability institutions like parliaments and courts. CSOs monitor and mobilize against violations of democratic norms. Thus, if governments impose restrictions on CSO activity, they may face fewer barriers (i.e., less scrutiny and criticism) to dismantling horizontal checks and balances. In addition, when restrictions prevent CSOs from supporting horizontal accountability institutions (e.g., with monitoring and expertise), the latter’s ability to control and constrain governments likely declines. Our large-<i>N</i> cross-country analysis supports this argument, suggesting that the imposition of restrictions on CSOs diminishes the quality of horizontal accountability institutions. We examine alternative explanations (i.e., prior autocratization trends and the authoritarian nature of governments) and offer qualitative evidence from Kenya and Turkey to illustrate the expected causal pathways. Our results imply that a crackdown on CSOs serves as a warning sign of deteriorating horizontal oversight.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139658901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Subnational Oil Resource Governance after the Commodity Boom: The Making and Limitations of Peru’s Closing Development Gaps Plan","authors":"Moises Arce, Omar Awapara Franco, Roger Merino","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09418-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09418-8","url":null,"abstract":"<p>To meet the growing global demand for minerals and new energy sources, governments in the Global South advance policy interventions to improve the unequal distribution of the cost and benefits of resource extraction. This paper explains the politics behind the implementation of the Closing Development Gaps (CDG) Plan, a new redistributive plan on behalf of Amazonian Indigenous peoples near the oil circuit in the Loreto region of Peru. It emphasizes the long-lasting impact of mobilizing strategies of indigenous organizations, which relayed critical information to policymakers about the claims both old and new of Indigenous peoples neighboring the oil circuit. It also draws attention to the permeability of state institutions, which allowed newer state agencies with distinct policy streams to advance new solutions to old problems. While the CDG Plan seeks to improve resource governance by focusing on infrastructure gaps (e.g., water and sanitation, electrification), it excludes the “political gaps” and the most contentious claims related to the environment that have moved Amazonian Indigenous peoples into struggle in recent years.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139462917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Between Regulation and Practice: Situated Pesticide Governance in Argentina","authors":"Pablo Lapegna, Johana Kunin, Tomás Palmisano","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09422-y","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09422-y","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Since the 1990s, agribusiness expansion in Argentina involved the exponential growth of pesticide use throughout the country. Pesticide exposure has become a widespread problem in rural areas and farming towns, but protests and conflicts about this issue are the exception rather than the norm. Why? Based on archival work, interviews, and ethnographic observations, in this paper, we scrutinize pesticide governance at the subnational scale to elucidate this puzzle, focusing on a) informal arrangements (face-to-face negotiations between pesticide users and people affected by them), b) juridical conflicts (lawsuits against farmers over exposure of people and crops to herbicides), and c) regulatory challenges (when rural populations and environmentalists push for local ordinances to curb pesticide exposure). We find that local cultural codes encourage informal agreements and that social inequalities prevent conflicts from arising in the public sphere. The interventions of social movements and civil society organizations (or lack thereof) and the mobilization of expertise also shape pesticide governance. Our analysis highlights that pesticide governance is context-dependent or situated, and informed by subtle but significant power asymmetries.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139463067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Development Elites, Impacted Communities, and Environmental Governance in Latin America","authors":"Moisés Arce, Maiah Jaskoski","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09417-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09417-9","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This special issue examines environmental governance, conceptualized as environmental protections, support for sustainable development, and the regulation of large-scale development projects. Through analysis of dynamics during the commodities super-cycle of the 2000s–2010s, contributors explore the multifaceted ways that societal actors interact with the state to support, oppose, or modify environmental governance, with a focus on communities impacted by export activities and economic elites who favor their expansion. Several papers seek to understand the governance of sectors—mining, oil, and soy. Others begin with natural areas threatened by development—urban wetlands and forests. As a collection, the papers reveal three commonalities that affect the extent to which environmental governance institutions address demands of impacted communities: (1) the question of whether a policymaking process takes place in reaction to mobilizing, or whether it proactively engages environmental questions as they pertain to local populations; (2) strategies by civil society, and above all impacted residents, to ensure the implementation of environmental policies; and (3) debates over knowledge, including community efforts to harness expertise and information to counter paradigms advanced by business actors. </p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"126 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139462948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Incumbent Responses to Armed Groups in Nigeria and Kenya","authors":"Megan Turnbull","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09414-y","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09414-y","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Under what conditions do incumbents support, tolerate, or try to rein in armed groups within their borders? The paper argues that incumbents strategize toward armed groups in ways that help them manage the ruling coalition and remain in power. I find that incumbents support armed groups in provinces where provincial politicians have defected from the ruling coalition to opposition parties, recruiting armed groups to deliver the province in national elections with fraud and violence and punish elite defectors. Where incumbents are not fighting to keep provinces in the ruling coalition, I show that they tolerate non-dissident groups that enjoy social contracts with local communities, and try to contain their dissident counterparts. Incumbents are likely to repress predatory armed groups, dissident and non-dissident alike. Doing so helps boost elite and mass support for incumbents and project central government power into the province. The argument was inductively built with comparative case studies from Nigeria and then evaluated in Kenya. The findings contribute to an important research agenda on government-armed group relationships and carry implications for security sector aid and reform.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"250 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139462944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}