{"title":"Development NGOs, Domestic Politics, and Foreign Aid Allocations","authors":"Esol Cho","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09442-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09442-2","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Development non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are found to be important actors in numerous studies, although their role is examined primarily from the recipient side. Focusing on the influence of development NGOs inside donor states originating from their transnational networks, I consider the high informational status of NGOs and their dedication to helping the poor as affording them the political leverage to acquire aid allocations from donor governments. I examine this idea through three distinct aid flows—countries, sectors, and delivery channels—that correspond to the NGOs’ primary concerns. The results show that the greater the increase in the domestic influence of the development NGO community, the larger the increase in aid spending not only allocated to the least-developed countries (LDCs) but also channeled through private actors in donors based on neoliberal doctrine. The expected positive relationship was also found between NGOs’ influence and increases in developmental-purpose aid with potential correlations with trade-purpose aid controlled.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142197794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Regulating to Exclude or to Enable: Institution Building and Transnational Standard Adoption in Mexican Food Safety","authors":"Gerald A. McDermott, Belem Avendaño Ruiz","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09438-y","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09438-y","url":null,"abstract":"<p>A key challenge for integrating new transnational regulations into a semi-periphery country is creating institutional capacities for effective dissemination and monitoring of the standards and for upgrading a broad base of firms to implement and benefit from them. Instilled by NAFTA, Mexico embraced transnational food value chains, yet the results were rather mixed, as the vast majority of producers cannot implement new standards and participate. New rules and practices are not adopted on a tabula rasa but layered on prior socio-political institutions that are raw materials for new collaboration and blockage. We argue that improvements in both regulatory institutions and firm capabilities are driven by the creation of public–private learning communities, which in turn are shaped by prior institutional legacies at the public–private divide. The ability of producers to undertake organizational experiments with one another and key public actors is greatly constrained by the legacies of corporatism. Refashioned producer associations could initiate with certain local public institutions regulatory and technological upgrading for a limited number of firms, which became gatekeepers for certification.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141784053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From Rust to High-Tech Hubs: FDI-Led Upgrading of Urban Economies in East Central Europe","authors":"Gergő Medve-Bálint","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09433-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09433-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the semi-peripheral-dependent market economies (DME) of East Central Europe (ECE), foreign investors are major contributors to economic growth and tend to establish low value-added operations. At the same time, they enjoy superior bargaining power over central governments. The domination of FDI constrains domestic agency in shaping economic outcomes, thereby locking DMEs into the semi-periphery. Moving to the sub-national level, this paper challenges these views by arguing that there is considerably more scope for local development agency in DMEs than the comparative political economy literature suggests. Moreover, FDI-led upgrading, defined as multinational companies engaging in high value-added activities, can take place at the local level even without the direct involvement of the state. The paper draws on fieldwork conducted in two formerly declining industrial cities in ECE (Cluj and Gdańsk) that have recently emerged as knowledge-intensive hubs targeted by high value-added FDI. The paper shows that FDI-led upgrading in Gdańsk occurred with the active contribution and cooperation of both local private and public economic actors, whereas in Cluj, upgrading took place with the contribution of local universities and through the forging of business links between foreign capital and local firms established by expatriates and local engineers.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141784048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Development Pathways and the Political Economy of Maladaptation: The Case of Bioenergy as a Climate Strategy in Brazil","authors":"Jorge Ernesto Rodriguez Morales","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09439-x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09439-x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Although it is well known that large-scale bioenergy expansion erodes different environmental, social, and economic dimensions of sustainable development, in countries like Brazil, bioenergy is institutionalized as a flagship climate strategy aimed to cut down CO<sub>2</sub> emissions in transport. These trade-offs have serious implications for climate change governance and sustainable development; however, conventional approaches have not yet properly explained this seeming paradox. This article addresses this gap from a critical development pathways approach to bioenergy as a maladaptive strategy in Brazil. I propose an analytical framework to observe how different ideas, interests, and institutions interplay in the historical institutionalization of bioenergy as a climate strategy. The analysis shows that bioenergy institutionalization has been driven by the endemic economic crisis in the sugar sector and governmental interests associated with security and developmental imperatives. The unsustainable co-evolution of development pathways and bioenergy, marked by deforestation, land colonization, and agricultural expansion, has narrowed the adaptation space in agriculture, gearing current climate policy towards path-dependent maladaptive strategies like bioenergy. Paradoxically, framing bioenergy as a climate strategy has been useful to justify more expansive policies in favor of the sugarcane industry, and to greenwash the Brazilian climate policy in the international arena of climate governance.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"2012 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141718770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Production Networks and Innovation in the Semi-periphery: The Transition to Electric Vehicles in South Korea and Spain","authors":"Angela Garcia Calvo","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09436-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09436-0","url":null,"abstract":"<p>What determines the ability of firms based in New Advanced Economies to generate innovation in the transition to electric vehicles (EVs)? Under what conditions are they more likely to break with their established pattern as fast followers to create innovation that is new to the world? To address these questions, we introduce a meso-level framework focused on the organization of global production networks. The framework examines three aspects of such networks: the position of the firm within the network, the number of lead firms, and the links between lead firms and suppliers. We illustrate the explanatory power of our framework through the cases of South Korea and Spain, the two New Advanced Economies with the largest automotive sectors. We characterize Korea’s production network as a unipolar, captive structure and Spain’s as part of an EU-wide multipolar, modular production network. We argue that contrary to common perceptions, Korea’s structure delayed the transition to EV’s and strengthened Korea’s role as a fast follower. Meanwhile, Spain’s embeddedness in the EU production network offered significant opportunities for turnkey suppliers to generate novel innovation despite the absence of a domestic lead firm.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141576047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Votes for Water: Ethnic Service Delivery and Criminality in Karachi, Pakistan","authors":"Erum A. Haider, Niloufer A. Siddiqui","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09424-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09424-4","url":null,"abstract":"<p>How do voters in ethnically polarized settings evaluate coethnic candidates in an environment of hybrid provision of public goods, especially where such hybrid provision includes links to criminal actors? In numerous urban settings around the world, local public goods provision involves a complex mix of private vendors, state services, and criminal actors. This paper explores how voters in Karachi, Pakistan evaluate candidates making distinct claims to water provision. We present findings from a survey experiment of over 2000 Karachi residents surveyed in 2021–2022. We find that while voters generally prefer coethnic candidates regardless of their ability to provide water, a non-coethnic candidate’s access to the state water bureaucracy can decrease the coethnic advantage and increase the credibility of a non-coethnic candidate. This is particularly the case among voters least satisfied with their water supply and most reliant on private sources of water. However, contrary to literature that finds that criminality can signal competence or the likelihood of goods and services being directed to coethnics, ties to the illegal water mafia do not offer either coethnic or non-coethnic candidates any additional advantage.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140932029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Governance by Patching: A Comparative Analysis of Adaptive Policy Implementation","authors":"Rajesh Veeraraghavan, Atul Pokharel","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09425-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09425-3","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Through a comparative case study, we develop the theory of top-down, iterative and fine-grained state planning and implementation called <i>governance by patching</i>. By patching, state institutions can repeatedly change plans based on local information during implementation. We analyze two surprising examples of this understudied mechanism in a prototypical highly centralized state that would be least likely to display this dynamism. First, the Indian Supreme Court engaged in responsive implementation to convert passenger-carrying vehicles in Delhi to Compressed Natural Gas (CNG), a clean fuel. Second, the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh successfully implemented a rural right-to-work program, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), using digital technology. They show how patching occurs over different time scales, within a hierarchical organization, as well as between organizations, and in both rural and urban settings. Governance by patching illustrates dynamism within centralized state institutions without requiring institutional changes.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"89 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140840865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reimagining Transcalar Civil Society Advocacy Collaborations: Starting from the Global South","authors":"Margit van Wessel","doi":"10.1007/s12116-024-09426-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-024-09426-2","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Addressing the currently highly salient topic of power in civil society collaborations, this article seeks to contribute to reimagining advocacy collaborations in the context of contractual relations between civil society organizations in development. It explores the integration of common aims: (1) relating between levels, commonly sought in civil society advocacy programmes in development and (2) local ownership for civil society organizations in the Global South, in such programmes. Based on 29 interviews with staff of civil society organizations, the article shows that country-based actors see collective process, centered at country level, as the foundation for effective collaboration in advocacy, centering on facilitation and support. This turns collaborations with the international NGO that is involved upside down. It also highlights the limited scope for international advocacy from such understandings, while underlining the role of international NGOs in expanding this scope. At the same time, rather than marginalizing the international NGO, country-based actors see a variety of important roles for international advocates at both national and international levels. Based on these insights, the article proposes new, transformative starting points for shaping transcalar civil society advocacy that integrate advocacy at different levels in new ways, grounded in mutual long-term engagement, with a focus on facilitation and support, while expanding horizons, with a country-up approach.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"302 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140611724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opportunities and Choices During Environmental Licensing: Community Participation in Latin America’s Extractive Sectors","authors":"Maiah Jaskoski","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09416-w","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09416-w","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In many Latin American countries, the state is to inform communities about proposed large-scale development that affects them, often in a public hearing on the environmental impact study (<i>estudio de impacto ambiental</i>, EIA). This article explores the role of the EIA public hearing in environmental governance, specifically in terms of local community participation in extractives. Analysis of nine mining and hydrocarbon conflicts in Colombia and Peru reveals that sometimes the public hearing is a space for project opponents alone to participate intensively, with a focus on altering development outcomes; in other cases, activists and project supporters compete at hearings; and, finally, some communities eschew the hearing entirely. The study points to two factors to explain this variation: first, whether the public hearing is a mandatory stage in environmental licensing, and second, the cohesion of impacted communities. Running counter to existing criticisms of the structures that govern public hearings in Colombian environmental licensing, the article finds that the hurdle for Colombian communities of requesting the hearing has contributed to effective organizing by movements opposed to large-scale development.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"132 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139945634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Civil Society Under Attack: The Consequences for Horizontal Accountability Institutions","authors":"Hannah Smidt, Jessica Johansson, Thomas Richter","doi":"10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-023-09423-x","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Existing research shows that the activity of independent civil society organizations (CSOs) is an important ingredient of democratization and democratic consolidation. Yet, what happens when governments impose restrictions on CSO activity? This manuscript investigates how restrictions on CSOs affect the quality of horizontal accountability institutions like parliaments and courts. CSOs monitor and mobilize against violations of democratic norms. Thus, if governments impose restrictions on CSO activity, they may face fewer barriers (i.e., less scrutiny and criticism) to dismantling horizontal checks and balances. In addition, when restrictions prevent CSOs from supporting horizontal accountability institutions (e.g., with monitoring and expertise), the latter’s ability to control and constrain governments likely declines. Our large-<i>N</i> cross-country analysis supports this argument, suggesting that the imposition of restrictions on CSOs diminishes the quality of horizontal accountability institutions. We examine alternative explanations (i.e., prior autocratization trends and the authoritarian nature of governments) and offer qualitative evidence from Kenya and Turkey to illustrate the expected causal pathways. Our results imply that a crackdown on CSOs serves as a warning sign of deteriorating horizontal oversight.</p>","PeriodicalId":47488,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Comparative International Development","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139658901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}