{"title":"Pierre Bourdieu, Colonial Experiences, and Methodological Reflexivity in International Relations","authors":"Leonie Holthaus","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf013","url":null,"abstract":"This article asks what reflexive practices one can learn from, with and against Pierre Bourdieu’s works on and in Algeria and later contributions. Addressing the question enables a revision of Bourdieusian reflexivity and a new contribution to the methodological reflexivity debate in international relations (IR) and International Political Sociology (IPS). It furthers the identification of three reflexive practices: avoidance of theoretical and conceptual fetishism, methodological experimentation and operationalization of methodological polytheism, or what is often called multi-method research, and alternations between engaged research and critical distancing; it is often forgotten that Bourdieu’s research encourages assumptions of epistemic asymmetry and suspicion of power struggles and emotionally engaged research. I include examples of how the practices can be performed from current IR and sociology to enhance the pedagogical value of this intervention. Even if the practices originated in colonial research situations privileging researchers from colonizing societies, the examples show that researchers with different positions can use the practices if they mind varying patterns of symbolic violence. In the tradition of Bourdieu’s early research and considering research I am familiar with, I selected examples dealing with “Global South” themes or themes evolving in the researcher’s own milieu.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144097088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“Protecting” Rights of Smuggled Migrants in the Context of State-Enforced Immobility: Legal Borderwork in Senegal","authors":"Leonie Felicitas Jegen","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf011","url":null,"abstract":"Human rights rationales have in recent years been increasingly mobilized in international efforts to bring national legal frameworks on migrant smuggling in line with international law. This article explores the role of human rights in borderwork during the externally funded legal reform process of Senegal's legal framework on migrant smuggling. Adopting a multiscalar governmentality lens, it sheds light on human rights governance rationales and their underlying justice logics in the reform process. The article extends work on the human rights/containment/protection nexus and points to the co-existence of fragmented yet emancipatory human rights rationales that center questions of economic self-determination. In exploring underlying justice logics reproduced through human rights governance rationales by drawing on Mahmood Mamdani's conceptualization of justice responses in conjunction with Tendayi Achiume's work on neocolonial interconnection, it advances often overlooked questions of socio-economic self-determination and structurally induced precarity in debates on human rights in borderwork.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144097093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Violence as a Constitutive of States","authors":"A M Abozaid","doi":"10.1093/ips/olae038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olae038","url":null,"abstract":"Is the state monopoly on the use of legitimate violence a modern invention that refers exclusively to a particular provincial sociohistorical phenomenon that emerged in seventeenth-century Europe? The answer this paper presents is no. Instead, I argue that the canonical Eurocentric epistemic communities have sought to displace other systems of governance and administration and replace them with European and Westphalian-like models. Yet, an urgent question remains unanswered: Why were political scientists and political sociology scholars from the Global South forced to adopt these [Eurocentric] theses and apply them to other, diverse regions, which have had different and prior historical, social, political, cultural, and economic experiences from Europe? To answer these questions, the paper adopts a decolonial approach to examine the following hypothesis: internal violence, repression, and control (from above) were the constitutive factors of forming and preserving political authority necessary for the establishment and development of modern states outside the Western hemisphere. To do so, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Ibn Ḵẖaldūn’s (1332–1406) theses on the ontological and constitutive role of violence are deployed to critique the Weberian principle of the state’s monopoly over the legitimate use of physical force. I present what I call the Ḵẖaldūnian trilogy of ʿasabiyya, al-Daʿwa al-Diīniyah, al-shāwkāh wa al-ghālbāh wa al-qāhr (i.e., the dominant group, religious-ideological discourse, force majeure, and repression-domination), upon which state/authority relies to constitute and consolidate its power and legitimacy, without being occupied with either the legality or the justice of this violence, as epistemic alternative of the Eurocentric conceptions of state-building.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143863029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Racial Visual Imaginary of International Relations","authors":"Yoav Galai","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf008","url":null,"abstract":"Visual politics is a thriving subfield of international relations (IR) that traces its origin to the “visual turn” at the turn of the century. However, visual politics hardly engages with the central visuality of modernity: race. This article argues that visual politics has a longer history than the current disciplinary history suggests, and it deploys a sociographical analysis to explore the central role of the visual politics of racial difference in articulating the racial imaginary that frames IR. The article explores the “shadow archive of global difference,” the mass project of the visual taxonomization of colonial peoples that haunted subsequent projects of visual production by aligning them with an implicit hierarchy, and in turn was central to the articulation of the doctrine of “global difference,” which framed early IR and still influences its racial imaginary. This intervention amounts to a prevision of visual politics and its reorientation around racial visualities to revise its disciplinary imaginary and encourage scholarship that engages with the global prevalence of oppressive visualities.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143857726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Necropolitics and Necropolice: Death, Immortality, and Art-Activism in Russia","authors":"Vladimir Ogula","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf006","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the affirmative dimension of necropolitics by looking at the articulation of the dead as an aesthetic and political subject in the work of the art-activist collective “the party of the dead.” Since 2017, their performances have exposed and challenged an aesthetic order based on the erasure of mortality in Russia. I draw on Rancière’s distinction between “politics” and “the police” to foreground the sensory aspect of that order and call it “necropolice.” In the logic of necropolice, death is insensible, immortality reigns—and therefore life is expendable. Focusing on the visual style, political statements, and ritualistic aspects of “the party’s” artistic practice, the article shows that in trying to speak as the dead, the activists fail to speak as truly dead. That failure is productive—it affirms death as the limit of experience. I conceptualize that affirmation as necropolitical by complementing Rancière’s notion of “politics” with Georges Bataille’s theory of sovereignty, which underlies Mbembe’s formulation of necropower. If sovereignty consists in the transgression of limits, then in the aesthetic order, where death is insensible and so omnipresent, it is the suspense of the illusion of immortality that constitutes the essence of necropolitics.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143857747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Politics of Fear and Hate: Experience, (De)Legitimization, and (De)Mobilization","authors":"C Nicolai L Gellwitzki","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf001","url":null,"abstract":"Critical security studies and emotion research in international relations have highlighted that the emotion of fear is a pivotal driver of material and psychological securitization processes and that political actors may attempt to instrumentalize fear to obtain their political objectives. This article suggests that complementing this focus on fear with closer attention to the emotion of hate provides significant analytical value and enhances our understanding of how actors invoke emotions and with what political implications. Specifically, the article argues that looking at invocations of fear and hate at the macro-level of public discourse generates a better understanding of how political actors can and do attempt to instrumentalize the label of these emotions to describe embodied affective experiences at the micro-level to (de)mobilize audiences and (de)legitimize certain positions and actions. The fact that fear and hate are difficult to differentiate by mere observation, possess similar capacities for mobilization, but have vastly different normative connotations renders them in particular useful in political discourse. To illustrate how the emotion of hate can facilitate a better understanding of the politics of emotions surrounding (de)securitization processes, the article uses the illustrative case study of Germany during the so-called migration crisis.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143847277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pablo Victor Fontes Santos, Victoria Motta de Lamare França, Cristina Rego Monteiro da Luz, Mônica Leite Lessa
{"title":"Humanization, Dehumanization, and Spectacularization: The Semiotics of UNICEF’s Unfairy Tales","authors":"Pablo Victor Fontes Santos, Victoria Motta de Lamare França, Cristina Rego Monteiro da Luz, Mônica Leite Lessa","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf004","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we examine the three Unfairy Tales advertising videos as part of the United Nations Children’s Fund’s (UNICEF) Act of Humanity campaign, which depicts the stories of Syrian refugee children fleeing armed conflict. Shared on UNICEF’s digital platforms, these videos sensibilize the audience to the challenges these children have faced in their migrations and stimulate the adult public to contribute with donations. We argue that the advertisements’ obvious critique when contrasting the pain and despair with a fairy tale storytelling style reinforces obtuse elements. Following a semiotic approach based on postcolonial readings of the Other, we explore how the Unfairy Tales humanize, dehumanize, and spectacularize the three Syrian refugee children who narrate their experiences as it mediates the audience’s engagement with these stories. We suggest that the Unfairy Tales mediate the spectator’s relationship with these children-characters to orient political action toward maintaining a Western representation of childhood and accepting UNICEF’s role in managing humanitarian and migration “crisis” related to children. This article stimulates a dialogue between the critical literature on humanitarianism, childhood, and migration, promotes interdisciplinary discussions on semiotics, and contributes to critical engagements with digital humanitarian advertising.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"55 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143653366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Spectacular Politics of the United Kingdom’s “Small Boats Crisis”","authors":"Jan Dobbernack","doi":"10.1093/ips/olaf003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olaf003","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the performance of crisis in the UK Government’s push toward the Illegal Migration Act 2023. It considers political operations underpinning this campaign as “crisis work,” drawing attention to the staging of dangerous, harmful, and tragic subjects in a panoramic space of spectacular visibility. I develop this perspective based on a review of programmatic speeches, parliamentary debate, and the coverage of UK newspapers with emphasis on a single moment: March 2023. The article grapples with the spectacular politics of crisis, whose effects are underexplored in literatures that consider migration crisis primarily for corresponding emergency measures, processes of securitization, or conjunctural openings. The spectacle of crisis requires attention for the layers of social visibility it produces and for its role in the symbolic consolidation of immigration policy.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-03-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143618356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Evocative Screens: Ethnographic Insights into the Digitalization of Diplomacy","authors":"Kristin Anabel Eggeling","doi":"10.1093/ips/olae046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olae046","url":null,"abstract":"How is diplomacy, a profession long premised on face-to-face interactions, adjusting to life with and on the screen? In this article, I present insights from 5 years of fieldwork (2018–2023) focused on the diplomatic scene in Brussels. I approach this material through Sherry Turkle's concept of the “evocative object” to theorize how digitalization relates to diplomatic practice. In contrast to most existing scholarship that works with remotely collected digital data such as images or tweets, I work ethnographically and explore the associations screens evoke among diplomatic practitioners themselves. If in the form of a smartphone in a diplomat's hand or as a projection surface on a meeting room wall, I show how the screen emerges as an effective and an affective object that diplomats relate to in multiple ways. By paying attention to how diplomatic practitioners relate to the screen, we can capture pragmatic rituals, professional priorities, and formal procedures just as much as personal anxieties, power struggles, and informal relations of competence and trust. Overall, the article contributes detailed empirical insights into the lived experience of an otherwise largely closed-off world and nurtures a new theoretical language to make sense of the digitalization of international politics.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143599956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Liminal Strategies in the Margins of International Politics: The State-Like Power of Non-State Greenland","authors":"Ulrik Pram Gad, Kristian Søby Kristensen","doi":"10.1093/ips/olae045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ips/olae045","url":null,"abstract":"A growing body of literature builds on the observation that power is relational and directs attention to the diplomacy of marginal and liminal subjects, implying that they harbor a potential to change the structures undergirding international politics. However, performances of state power routinely find other loci than diplomacy, and all states are more or less marginalized from the conceptual core of statehood. This article therefore offers a re-calibrated take on the liminal potential emanating from marginal subjects in international politics, broadening the analytical focus beyond classical diplomacy to wider discourses of international law, international security, and international economy. After introducing the notion of power as performative, the article conceptualizes the margins and what liminality adds in terms of a different temporality, developing transition, suspension, and hybridization to describe marginal strategies with a liminal potential for change. The article then analyzes how the Greenlandic non-state, as an exemplary case, works in the margins to empower itself internationally. In conclusion, Greenlandic political practice reveals how the spatio-temporal margins of international politics—the gaps in and between the three constitutive discourses of law, security, and economy—enable the wielding of Greenlandic power with liminal potential.","PeriodicalId":47361,"journal":{"name":"International Political Sociology","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.4,"publicationDate":"2025-03-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143599959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}