Journal of Strategic Studies最新文献_第7页

An unstable equilibrium: Civil-military relations within the French Ministry of Defence 不稳定的平衡:法国国防部内部的军民关系

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2127090

A. Maire, O. Schmitt

{"title":"An unstable equilibrium: Civil-military relations within the French Ministry of Defence","authors":"A. Maire, O. Schmitt","doi":"10.1080/01402390.2022.2127090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2022.2127090","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract French civil-military relations under the 5th Republic are marked by the imposing figure of the President, because of their role in nuclear deterrence. In that context, the role of the ministry of defence in general, and of its leader (the minister) in particular, is ambiguous: the minister is technically not the highest authority in charge of defence issues (since both the Prime Minister and the President are constitutionally tasked with important responsibilities in the defence realm), but they nevertheless need to find a role between the presidential guidelines and the military demands. In this article, we show that civil-military relations within the French ministry of Defence are therefore characterized by an “unstable equilibrium”: the history of the French MoD is rife with regular swings between the primacy of the military or the primacy of civilians. Overall, the French MoD has adopted a model civil-military relations which is structurally unstable, due to the shifting legitimacy of the military elite within the French bureaucracy and the importance of the personality of the political and military actors involved: without fundamentally altering bureaucratic rules and organization, the power balance between civilian and military actors can quickly evolve. To a degree, this shows the plasticity of French civil-military relations and its ability to adapt to the actors involved, especially the President.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"117 1","pages":"798 - 819"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77982904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Towards control and effectiveness: The Ministry of Defence and civil-military relations in India 走向控制和效力:印度国防部和军民关系

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2118115

A. Mukherjee

引用次数: 2

Israel’s inter-war campaigns doctrine: From opportunism to principle 以色列两次世界大战之间的战役学说:从机会主义到原则

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2104254

Itamar Lifshitz, Erez Seri-Levy

引用次数: 1

US Indo-Pacific Strategy and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: The Hedging Option 美国印太战略与巴基斯坦外交政策:对冲选择

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00153

Farhan Hanif Siddiqi Associate Professor

引用次数: 0

Recognition of the Taliban Government in Afghanistan 承认阿富汗塔利班政府

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.0014

Muhammad Faheem, Minhas Majeed Khan

{"title":"Recognition of the Taliban Government in Afghanistan","authors":"Muhammad Faheem, Minhas Majeed Khan","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.0014","url":null,"abstract":"The Taliban takeover of Kabul is a significant regional development having domestic, regional and global implications. Regarding the recognition of the new Taliban government; recently announced, the important states of the international community are responding with caution based on their strategic calculations, political values and long-term foreign policy goals in the regions adjoining Afghanistan. The states having stakes in Afghanistan are mainly divided in two groups: The US led group and the China-Russia led group of states. The US led group has advocated that the conduct of the Taliban on fundamental human rights, their commitment of forming an inclusive government and their detachment from international terrorist networks will be taken in consideration for deciding on the question of recognition and determining the nature of engagement with Afghanistan. The China-Russia group, is more in favor of regional stability and interested in filling the strategic vacuum left in Afghanistan by the US and its allies. The regional states are realigning themselves, with either of the major group, to respond to the unfolding situation in Afghanistan. Based on the conceptual framework of recognition of new governments in International Law and International Relations, this paper attempts to analyze the responses and concerns of the diverse international community vis-à-vis the newly formed Taliban government in Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90242178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

3-Cs of Cyberspace and Pakistan: Cybercrime, Cyber-Terrorism, and Cyber Warfare 网络空间与巴基斯坦的3c:网络犯罪、网络恐怖主义和网络战争

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00134

Muhammad Nadeem Mirza, Muhammad Shahzad Akram

{"title":"3-Cs of Cyberspace and Pakistan: Cybercrime, Cyber-Terrorism, and Cyber Warfare","authors":"Muhammad Nadeem Mirza, Muhammad Shahzad Akram","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.00134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00134","url":null,"abstract":"This qualitative exploratory and embedded case study deliberates the nature of 3-Cs – cybercrime, cyber-terrorism, cyber warfare – against Pakistan. What are the three Cs and how are they impacting the state and society in Pakistan. How Pakistan has been dealing with these threats related to its cyberspace. While taking cue from cyber realism – which provides the basic lens to conduct this research – this study notes that states and state-sponsored individuals, groups, and organisations remain the main actors in the cyberspace who are active against each other. The perception that the cyberspace has diminished the role of state is an exaggeration. States still are the most important actors in the cyber world order animated by the typical great power politics. Pakistan remained a prime target of the cybercrimes, cyber-terrorism, and cyber warfare launched by the regional and extra-regional states. Though, it has implemented Prevention of Electronic Crime Act (PECA) and passed National Cyber Policy, yet it still has to go a long way in order to protect itself against the 3-Cs of the cyberspace. Adopting a proactive strategy to counter these threats prematurely is still a far-fetched cry for Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88440066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

99 seconds to Midnight: A Case for Institutionalizing Nuclear Risk Reduction Measures in South Asia 午夜前99秒:南亚减少核风险措施制度化的案例

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00131

Salma Malik Assistant Professor

{"title":"99 seconds to Midnight: A Case for Institutionalizing Nuclear Risk Reduction Measures in South Asia","authors":"Salma Malik Assistant Professor","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.00131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00131","url":null,"abstract":"South Asian nuclear tests in summer of 1998, heralded a new chapter in the pervasive & deeply rooted sub-continental cold war, bringing forth the sobering realization that given geographical proximity and an inherent risk of tension escalation, there is a need to implement safeguards against incidental or accidental nuclear weapons usage, as well as avoidance of brinksmanship. Resultantly, Lahore MoU of 1999, and later the comprehensive dialogue process (2004), were positive steps initiated to institutionalize nuclear restraint measures. However, given the checkered history of bilateral relations, after making initial progression, this critical track like all other tracks of dialogue also faced a setback. Further exacerbated by populist ultra nationalist rhetoric and anti-Pakistan hate mongering of the Saffron regime in India under Narendra Modi. The recent Indian missile incident, trivialized as a mere accident is latest in the series of such episodes, that breaches mutual nuclear restraint protocols, as such actions carry the risk of inadvertent war under the nuclear shadow. Given the nature of relations between the two neighbours, these “accidents” can very well be misperceived or considered an intentional and deliberate misadventure, which can lead not only to tension escalation, but a nuclear crisis with grim consequences. This paper would appraise the often overlooked yet established nuclear restraint protocols between the two countries, seeking the fundamental question, whether after quarter of century, the South Asia neighbours fully understand the consequence of using nuclear weapons as elements of political currency. Can this incident be used as a positive turning point in helping usher a viable risk reduction regime between the two adversaries or the region is destined to gradually slide up the escalation ladder to an eventual catastrophe.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74898745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Russian South Asia Policy: From Estrangement to Pragmatism 俄罗斯的南亚政策:从疏远到实用主义

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.0011

Almas Haider Naqvi, Dr. Syed Qandil Abbas Assistant Professor

{"title":"Russian South Asia Policy: From Estrangement to Pragmatism","authors":"Almas Haider Naqvi, Dr. Syed Qandil Abbas Assistant Professor","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.0011","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is an attempt to analyse the Soviet and Post-Soviet Russian policy responses towards the South Asia particularly India and Pakistan contextualising how the systemic pressures stimulated from balance of power and intervened by domestic factors specifically ideology and leaders’ images played important role in policy formulation and execution. Majority explanations of Soviet-Russian South Asian policy do not offer analysis of inside-out interactions. Incorporation of domestic factors in analysis would provide better explanation of Soviet-Russian policy and the key developments in South Asia. Soft-positivist methodology with qualitative and quantitative methods are employed to analyse data from primary and secondary sources. The paper categorises four distinct phases of Russian South Asia policy responses; Estrangement (1947-1953), Engagement (1954-1971), Indo-Centrality (1971-1991), Pragmatism (1991-2022) stimulated by systemic and intervened by domestic factors. Balancing and competition with the United States (US) and China primarily motivates Soviet Union to shape policy but ideology, leaders’ perceptions and images also influenced.","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81096712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Plebiscite Conundrum in Jammu and Kashmir 查谟和克什米尔的公民投票难题

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.53532/ss.042.01.00138

Victoria Schofield Independentwriter

{"title":"Plebiscite Conundrum in Jammu and Kashmir","authors":"Victoria Schofield Independentwriter","doi":"10.53532/ss.042.01.00138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53532/ss.042.01.00138","url":null,"abstract":"Since 1947 the expectation that the fate of the disputed former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir would be decided by a plebiscite has been part of the narrative of the state’s history. Seventy-five years later, the plebiscite has never been held, the state remaining de facto divided between India and Pakistan, both accusing each other of illegally occupying the territory the other controls, while a significant proportion of the inhabitants of the state maintain that they have never been allowed their ‘right of self-determination.’[1] This paper examines the reasoning behind holding a plebiscite, the challenges of holding a unitary plebiscite in a state where the inhabitants of the major regions of the state have differing allegiances and aspirations and the reasons why the plebiscite was not held. It also explains why successive governments of Pakistan have clung to the notion of holding a plebiscite, whereas successive Indian governments have long since decided that a plebiscite is no longer necessary. Finally this paper will examine whether, in a changed demographic environment, with the state de facto divided for over half the time it was ever a united administrative unit, the holding of a plebiscite would resolve the issue or whether it would create more disaffection among disappointed minorities. \u0000 \u0000[1] Pakistani maps and rhetoric describe the area of the state occupied by India as ‘illegally occupied disputed territory’; Indian maps describe the area of the state occupied by Pakistan as ‘Pakistan Occupied Kashmir’ (POK).","PeriodicalId":47240,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Strategic Studies","volume":"44 3 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2022-08-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82702358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Yangtze and the Sino-US cooperation in World War II, 1940–1945 二战时期长江与中美合作(1940-1945)

IF 1.9 2区社会学

Journal of Strategic Studies Pub Date : 2022-07-31 DOI: 10.1080/01402390.2022.2104836

Woody Wu

引用次数: 0