{"title":"Citizenship moods in the late Museveni era: a cartoon-powered analysis","authors":"J. Ssentongo, Henni Alava","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2238376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2238376","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article develops the concept of citizenship moods to analyse citizens’ emotional (dis)engagements with the state in Uganda. Through a reflexive analysis of ethnographic and media material from 2019–2021, we claim that around the time of the 2021 elections, after 35 years of rule by Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Movement, the most prevalent moods among Ugandans were fear, contentment, cynicism, anger, hope, and despondency. Prior to the elections, hope soared, but this gave way to despondency following the state’s violent crack-down on opposition. Building on work on citizenship, affect, emotion, and politics, we theorise that citizenship moods are experienced both individually and collectively; coexist, transform, and fluctuate over time; and affect and are affected by political and societal change. In Uganda, a key change is the growth of intersecting ethnic, regional, generational, and class inequalities. Citizenship moods structure, transform, and vitalise the relationship between the state and its citizens, and analysing them contributes to imagining the possibilities of democratic change in Uganda and beyond. The article introduces a method of cartoon-powered sociopolitical analysis. The inherent attunement of cartoons to bodily postures and expressions enables analytical insight and effective communication of research results, and can contribute to advancing research justice.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"301 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41421822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The politics of skeletons and ruination: living (with) debris of the Two Fishes Hotel in Diani Beach, Kenya","authors":"Franziska Fay","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2231789","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2231789","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Up until the 1990s, the Two Fishes Hotel on the South Kenya Coast was among the ten major hotels in Diani Beach. Today, the consequences of capitalist ruination on tourism can be observed in the decay of some once prospering hotels along on one of East Africa’s most popular tourist shores. In this article, I engage with the ruins of the Two Fishes Hotel in Diani Beach by taking as point of departure what the people who live with the ruins can tell us about how they affect their lives. I explore what their perspectives reveal about processes of deterioration and revitalization of capitalist projects like tourism, how affect and agency are engendered in them, and consider how they relate to online observations from a Facebook group dedicated to the ruins of this specific hotel. I argue that the various reappropriations of contemporary liminal spaces like hotels in decay show how infrastructures in the process of ruination have a social life of their own, reflect and give context to the wider political circumstances they are embedded in, and speak to individual and societal socio-economic challenges beyond national borders.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"222 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43865292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘Tribal balancing’: exclusionary elite coalitions and Zambia’s 2021 elections","authors":"N. Beardsworth, Samuel Kalonde Mutuna","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2233729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2233729","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Presidents have access to a range of resources unavailable to challengers, and often the most important are derived from control of the state. This allows incumbents to build more inclusive elite coalitions, distribute clientelist resources to their political base and co-opt opposition politicians. Cabinet and government appointments are some of the most visible, direct and identifiable indications of elite accommodation, and African presidents are more likely to build inclusive coalitions to ensure their survival. In Zambia, balanced regional representation – popularly known as “tribal balancing” – has held an important place in the public imagination. But between 2015 and 2021, rather than using incumbent advantage to build an ethnically inclusive alliance, President Lungu used cabinet appointments and senior government positions to shore up his base. This was bolstered by an exclusionary campaign that focused on the opposition leader’s ethnicity to push the PF’s base to vote against the opposition. This article uses an analysis of cabinet appointments and coverage of the election campaign to illustrate how Lungu sought to build an exclusionary coalition and exacerbate ethnic cleavages. This contributes to debates on when and why elites might use exclusionary strategies, and when they might fail to produce the desired outcome.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"619 - 642"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44514561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
N. Beardsworth, Hangala Siachiwena, Sishuwa Sishuwa
{"title":"Autocratisation, electoral politics and the limits of incumbency in African democracies","authors":"N. Beardsworth, Hangala Siachiwena, Sishuwa Sishuwa","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2235656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235656","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The world is experiencing a new wave of autocratisation, characterised by a global democratic reversal. From 2010 to 2020, the share of the world population living in autocracies increased from 48 to 68%. Electoral autocracies are now the world's most common regime type, and along with closed autocracies they number 87 of the world's 195 states. Even during the height of the third wave of democratisation, elections in Africa rarely led to an alternation of power. Thirty years after the third wave, this special issue introduction takes stock of how many transfers of power occurred in the three crucial decades between 1991 and 2021. In this special issue, we focus on Zambia to understand some of the factors that contributed to an electoral turnover, notwithstanding the many benefits of incumbency that were enjoyed by the ruling Patriotic Front (PF) led by President Edgar Lungu. We show that the outcome of Zambia's August 2021 election demonstrates the limits of incumbency. We suggest that voters and opposition parties in countries with previous experiences of peaceful transfers of power might rely on a ‘democratic muscle-memory’, to dislodge autocrats and call for more research on when and why incumbents lose.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"515 - 535"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45565347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A comparison of the role of domestic and international election observers in Zambia’s 2016 and 2021 general elections","authors":"O’Brien Kaaba, M. Hinfelaar, Koffi Sawyer","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2235657","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235657","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this paper, we focus on the role of the institution of external and domestic observers in electoral turnovers. Observers have come under scrutiny in recent years, particularly following their assessments of the Kenya and Malawi elections, for which they raised no serious concerns, but the polls were subsequently annulled by courts on the basis of serious irregularities. By comparing and contrasting the role played by international and domestic observers in Zambia’s general elections in 2016 with those of 2021, it can be shown that observer groups can contribute to positive electoral outcomes and, while not under their remit, can be in a position to facilitate peaceful transitions. While acknowledging that the biggest factor of the smooth transition in Zambia was the huge turnout of voters and the wide margin of the opposition’s victory, election observers played a key role in aiding the democratic transition. This paper contributes to the literature on the role of domestic and international observers by examining key areas of their engagement in Zambia’s last two general elections. The research was carried out through participant observation, a panel survey conducted before and after the 2021 elections and interviews with stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"643 - 658"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48699908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Hinfelaar, L. Rakner, Sishuwa Sishuwa, Nicolas van de Walle
{"title":"Legal autocratisation ahead of the 2021 Zambian elections","authors":"M. Hinfelaar, L. Rakner, Sishuwa Sishuwa, Nicolas van de Walle","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2235658","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2235658","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 Zambia experienced an episode of distinct democratic backsliding between 2011 and 2021. Autocratisation resulted from the deliberate use of legal mechanisms to enhance executive power. Tracing key legal changes through legal documents, press reports and informant interviews, the article examines this recent episode of autocratisation as a consequence of a poorly institutionalised party system in a fledgling and unconsolidated presidential democracy. We show that under PF rule, autocratisation resulted from the deliberate use of legal mechanisms to enhance executive power, stifle the opposition, muzzle the press and undermine civil society forces. The election of opposition candidate Hakainde Hichilema in August 2021 may have ended this episode of backsliding as for the third time in the country´s history, power changed peacefully through the ballot box. But, to what extent the 2021 elections will move Zambia away from this authoritarian trend is uncertain as the state of the country’s political institutions, hereunder a poorly institutionalised party system in an unconsolidated presidential democracy, may leave it vulnerable to further episodes of backsliding. The main contribution of this paper is the documentation of the role of lawfare in processes of autocratisation, and how integral it has been to the decline of democracy in Zambia.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"558 - 575"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45861765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Incumbent disadvantage in a swing province: Eastern Province in Zambia’s 2021 general election","authors":"J. Seekings","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2233728","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2233728","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Might incumbency entail disadvantages as well as advantages? This article examines the performance of incumbent president Edgar Lungu and the Patriotic Front (PF) in Zambia's Eastern Province in the 2021 election. Eastern Province was a ‘swing’ region in that neither of the two major national political parties had deep-rooted support, despite Lungu's and the PF's strong performance in 2015-16. Survey data shows that voters punished the incumbent government in 2021 for its poor management of the economy (and, to a lesser extent, corruption). Interviews with provincial politicians and documentary sources reveal the challenges facing the incumbent in maintaining the coalition that had brought it electoral success in 2015-16. The case of Eastern Province illustrates how, in such swing regions, incumbency can be a disadvantage as well as an advantage, as the incumbent president is held responsible for the state of the economy and the opportunities to local elites. In countries where national electoral success requires winning decisively in such swing regions, even incumbent presidents and parties face a significant possibility of electoral defeat.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"576 - 599"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46775074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"‘The outcome of a historical process set in motion in 1991’: explaining the failure of incumbency advantage in Zambia’s 2021 election","authors":"Sishuwa Sishuwa","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2236850","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2236850","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 This article uses a longitudinal comparative perspective to analyse Zambia's 2021 transfer of power. The article takes the previous elections since the transition to multi-party democracy in 1991 as a body in which patterns of incumbency failure can be seen. It identifies five pervasive patterns that seem present in all polls that have resulted in leadership change or turnovers: a struggling economy with a clear blame orientation, a unified opposition, a depoliticised military, a rather impartial electoral commission, and collective memory of incumbent defeat. The importance of each of these factors varies over time, but collectively they shape election outcomes in decisive ways. Drawing on interviews and newspaper sources, I apply these variables to the 2021 election that resulted in the defeat of President Edgar Lungu and the victory of the opposition candidate. I argue that the repeated failure of incumbency advantage in Zambia reflects the institutionalisation of democratic processes, notably embodied in competitive elections, an increasingly independent electoral commission, effective opposition parties that can devise robust campaign strategies, and a military that continues to choose non- intervention whenever an incumbent is defeated. More broadly, I demonstrate why alternation is becoming routine while the power of incumbency is in decline.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"659 - 680"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46860934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The leasehold system and drivers of informal land transactions in Bahir Dar city, Ethiopia","authors":"Wolelaw Getahun Derso, Brightman Gebremichael","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2022.2164428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2022.2164428","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT\u0000 In Ethiopia, informal land transactions are proliferating in urban centers and triggering wider socio-economic and environmental challenges in the sustainable development of cities. Taking the case of Bahir Dar city, this paper examines informal land transactions in Ethiopia in terms of its rule-structuring processes, roles of actors in the transaction, and factors for its emergence and continued proliferation. Empirical evidence collected through key informant interviews, participant observation, and from secondary sources were analyzed qualitatively. The study reveals that the lease system in Ethiopia is ill-suited to the interests and reality of many urban dwellers and is unable to meet their needs. As a response to the failures of the lease system, residents are increasingly turning to informal land transactions. The success of informal land markets in Bahir Dar is reinforced by the possibility of formalization of land holdings through corrupt practices in local land administration. Moreover, the processes of the informal markets have provided adaptive and responsive alternatives for urban dwellers to access land. Unless land administration shifts to adapt to these realities, informal markets will likely continue to thrive.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"415 - 433"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48511657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Becoming Amhara: ethnic identity change as a quest for respect in Aari, Ethiopia","authors":"Julian Sommerschuh","doi":"10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2023.2205678","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Why do members of a southwest Ethiopian ethnic minority claim wanting to ‘stop being Aari’ and ‘become Amhara’? Since the mid-1990s, ethnic-based federalism has led many Ethiopians to identify more closely with ‘their’ ethnic group. This article presents a contrary case: building on two years of ethnographic fieldwork, I discuss Aari people’s quest to adopt the pan-Ethiopian identity of ‘Amhara’. I show that among Aari, a century of humiliation by northern Ethiopians has led to a profound sense of inferiority. The sense that all things ‘Aari’ are inferior makes it hard for people to connect to local culture and language as sources of pride and identity. In search of respect and self-esteem, Aari engage in linguistic, economic, and religious practices understood to affect ethnic identity change; by ‘becoming Amhara’ they hope to attain the recognition they were long denied. Contrary to what is widely assumed in present-day Ethiopia, this suggests that not all Ethiopians wish to make ‘their’ ethnicity the cornerstone of their identity. It also suggests that Amharization may be underway among other peripheral highlanders, sharing similar histories of humiliation and similar hopes for respect.","PeriodicalId":46968,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eastern African Studies","volume":"16 1","pages":"455 - 471"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45182635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}