Washington Quarterly最新文献_第3页

Governing the Final Frontier: Risk Reduction in Outer Space 管理最后边界:减少外层空间的风险

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149168

Naomi Egel, R. Lincoln Hines

{"title":"Governing the Final Frontier: Risk Reduction in Outer Space","authors":"Naomi Egel, R. Lincoln Hines","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149168","url":null,"abstract":"Space capabilities are critical to the global economy, military power, and daily life. For example, the United States’ Global Positioning System enables everything from withdrawing cash from ATM machines to allowing the US military to engage in long-range precision strikes. Satellites facilitate long-distance communications, tracking and predicting weather patterns, verifying compliance with arms control treaties, detecting nuclear launches, and supplying critical Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities for militaries to carry out targeting. Yet with the rise of both state and private space actors, the space domain is becoming increasingly crowded and the risk of accidental collisions is increasing. At the same time, several states are pursuing counterspace weapons—raising the risks of creating highly destructive space debris and increasing the odds of accidental escalation and armed conflict in space and on Earth. Given these risks, many policymakers and analysts are calling for risk reduction and strategic stability measures in outer space. Such measures could reduce the likelihood of inadvertent escalation, limit tensions, and decrease the possibility of destructive violence in the space domain or the creation of debris that may make outer space inaccessible to human activities. While no singular agreement will solve all obstacles, risk reduction measures can enhance American security by injecting a degree of stability into the space domain and promoting norms of responsible behavior in outer space.","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"27 - 44"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48206378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Real Challenge of China’s Nuclear Modernization 中国核现代化的真正挑战

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148508

E. B. Montgomery, Toshi Yoshihara

{"title":"The Real Challenge of China’s Nuclear Modernization","authors":"E. B. Montgomery, Toshi Yoshihara","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148508","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148508","url":null,"abstract":"For more than a decade, China’s military modernization has cast a shadow across the Indo-Pacific. For instance, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has fielded a variety of missiles and aircraft that have heightened the vulnerability of the United States, its allies, and its partners to conventional precision strikes. Moreover, an expanding fleet of surface vessels, amphibious platforms, and submarines could eventually provide Beijing with the ability to seize territory it covets and sustain military operations far beyond its neighborhood. These and other investments have not only raised questions about Washington’s ability to deter the use of force against frontline states, but also created doubts whether the United States could defeat an assault if deterrence were to fail. Until recently, however, few observers expressed serious worries about Beijing’s nuclear forces. Although China has made slow and steady improvements to its strategic deterrent over the years, those improvements have not made it a nuclear peer of the United States and Russia, nor have they even erased concerns that China’s arsenal might be susceptible to a first strike. That situation, however, is starting to change. It now appears that China is engaged in a significant quantitative and qualitative nuclear buildup. According to the Pentagon’s most recent China military power report, Beijing is working “to modernize, diversify, and expand its nuclear","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"45 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42923431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

India’s Radical Reimagination: No More Bandwagoning, for Real 印度彻底的重新想象:不再从众，真的

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149951

Yogesh Joshi

{"title":"India’s Radical Reimagination: No More Bandwagoning, for Real","authors":"Yogesh Joshi","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149951","url":null,"abstract":"In 2020, following the deadliest border crisis with China in over 45 years on the Himalayan frontier in the Galwan valley, India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar clarified that “we were never part of an alliance and will not be.” Aversion to alliances notwithstanding, there is more than one way to balance China’s rise, and India has recently decided that it needs to. Indian media often attributes Beijing’s increasing aggressiveness to the shifts in SinoIndian balance of power: “the balance of power has shifted against us and so, China’s behaviour has changed too.” New Delhi’s approach to restoring the balance is to build a strategic partnership with the United States, and to reinforce the global balance of power in favor of the US. As former Indian Foreign Secretary and former Ambassador to China Vijay Gokhale opined in The New York Times in 2020, “The world needs balance—at the moment, no country other than the United States has the means to ensure it. At a practical level, its leadership is indispensable.” Such an explicit embrace of American power is surprising for India. Amidst searching for its place as a major power in a multipolar world, New Delhi has historically practiced strategic distancing from great powers through non-alignment. Nonalignment, articulated as a foreign policy strategy by India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1947-1964), aimed to keep India from becoming entangled in Cold War power binaries between the US and Soviet Union. Yet over the long horizon of its existence, it principally translated into anti-","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"133 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45986419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 1

Getting ASEAN Right in US Indo-Pacific Strategy 把东盟纳入美国的印太战略

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149952

K. Koga

{"title":"Getting ASEAN Right in US Indo-Pacific Strategy","authors":"K. Koga","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149952","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149952","url":null,"abstract":"As part of the intensifying great power competition between the United States and China, a set of new Indo-Pacific frameworks primarily led by Washington—namely the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), the AUKUS, and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF)— has emerged. These US-centric minilateral and multilateral frameworks essentially aim to build a coalition with politically and strategically “like-minded” states to maintain and enhance the existing rules-based international order largely constructed by the West since the end of the Cold War. For the United States, the core institution in East Asian regional architecture, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), remains a “second order” priority. As the United States has extensive bilateral alliance networks in the region, ASEAN has never played a central role in its foreign policy in East Asia or the Indo-Pacific region. Of course, the United States and its allies continuously emphasize the importance of ASEAN as well as “ASEAN unity and centrality” and praise ASEAN’s effort to pursue its own Indo-Pacific vision, the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP). However, the United States has neither explained the strategic role ASEAN is expected to play in the Indo-Pacific region nor defined “ASEAN unity and centrality” in its strategic thinking.","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"157 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46090348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Adapting NATO to Great-Power Competition 使北约适应大国竞争

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148507

H. Larsen

{"title":"Adapting NATO to Great-Power Competition","authors":"H. Larsen","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148507","url":null,"abstract":"Following Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, NATO’s main challenge is to eliminate doubts about its strength and resolve to defend every inch of its territory, as stated in its recently published Strategic Concept, an authoritative document for the alliance’s strategic direction until 2030 (and beyond). By the Vilnius Summit in the summer of 2023, the alliance is set to complete the transition to a new NATO Force Model to deter Russian aggression. However, NATO’s adaptation to the military threat posed by Russia is complicated by the simultaneous need to factor in the rise of China. A rising China is stretching US military resources, and its technological clout creates vulnerabilities for a functioning defense alliance. These are vulnerabilities to which European NATO members must be especially attuned. While NATO as a whole faces the simultaneous need to adapt to the increased threat from Russia and the rise of China, this is a project whose success essentially depends on the European allies, whose defense and resilience are currently under stress. The good news for NATO’s cohesive power is that the invasion of Ukraine has seemingly shattered the alliance’s naïveté about being able to separate geopolitics from commercial interests in dealing with Russia, complementing a growing concern over the past six years or so about maintaining trade ties with an increasingly assertive China. Europe appears more united and more determined than ever to balance against illiberal powers threatening its security and values, and ready to do so as part of a larger transatlantic effort. To that end, this article seeks to make two major contributions to the debate over how Europe should","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"7 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59334739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Still Getting Asia Wrong: No “Contain China” Coalition Exists 仍然误解亚洲:不存在“遏制中国”联盟

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148918

David C. Kang

{"title":"Still Getting Asia Wrong: No “Contain China” Coalition Exists","authors":"David C. Kang","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148918","url":null,"abstract":"Is there an incipient East Asian containment coalition against China? Evidence leads to the conclusion that there is not. Yet for almost three decades, scholars have been claiming that the rapid growth of Chinese power is, will or should cause East Asian countries to balance against it and join a US-led containment coalition. Those claiming that East Asian states are already containing China include political scientist Michael Beckley, who writes that “China’s neighbors are arming themselves and aligning with outside powers to secure their territory and sea-lanes. Many of the world’s largest economies are collectively developing new trade, investment, and technology standards that implicitly discriminate against China.” In 2014, scholars Adam Liff and John Ikenberry claimed that “there is already some evidence of security dilemmadriven military competition in the Asia Pacific, which could worsen significantly in the near future... [S]ecurity dilemma dynamics appear to be important drivers of states enhancing military capabilities in the increasingly volatile Asia Pacific region.” Predictions of balancing against China go back as far as 1993, when political scientist Richard Betts asked, “Should we want China to get rich or not? For realists, the answer should be no, since a rich China would overturn any balance of power.” In 2005, John Mearsheimer predicted that “China cannot rise peacefully...Most of China’s neighbors, including India, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Russia, and Vietnam, will likely join with the United States to contain China’s power.”","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"79 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48153368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

A Finely Fractured Consensus: American Motivations for Rules-Based Order 支离破碎的共识:美国对基于规则的秩序的动机

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148506

Benjamin Tze Ern Ho

{"title":"A Finely Fractured Consensus: American Motivations for Rules-Based Order","authors":"Benjamin Tze Ern Ho","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2148506","url":null,"abstract":"Are international politics governed by power or by principles? The February 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia has raised the issue of whether might makes right in today’s world, or if there is a broader set of rules and principles which states ought to abide by, even when they might not agree with them. Following the end of the Second World War, the United States and the West forged what many call a rules-based international order, in which states conduct their activities. During the four decades of the Cold War, this Western-led order ran up directly against a communist-led order, of which the Soviet Union and China were the chief proponents. The end of the Cold War in 1991—symbolized by the razing of the BerlinWall two years earlier—suggested that the Western world order had won out and was therefore superior to its communist competitor. The American political scientist Francis Fukuyama put forth his well-known “end of history” thesis concerning the inevitability of Western liberal democracy and the universalization of democratic values worldwide, anchored by an American-led international order—one which is more commonly known as the liberal international order.","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"61 - 76"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46181569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The Ideology Barriers to Anti-China Coalitions 反华联盟的意识形态障碍

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149950

Mark L. Haas

{"title":"The Ideology Barriers to Anti-China Coalitions","authors":"Mark L. Haas","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2149950","url":null,"abstract":"How should the United States respond to the China challenge? The Donald Trump administration’s 2018 National Defense Strategy predicted that “as China continues its economic and military ascendance... [it will seek] regional hegemony in the near-term and displacement of the United States to achieve global preeminence in the future.” Subsequently, President Joe Biden asserted in an April 2021 address to Congress that the US rivalry with China is about who will “win the 21st century.” Many scholars and policymakers advocate active balancing policies, including the creation of a US-led Indo-Pacific coalition system. For years, John Mearsheimer, a leading international relations theorist, has urged US leaders “to form a balancing coalition with as many of China’s neighbors as possible.” “The ultimate aim,” he argues, “would be to build an alliance structure along the lines of NATO” against the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Another prominent scholar of international relations, Graham Allison, concurs: “When it comes to doing what it can [to balance China], Washington should focus above all on its alliances and partnerships... who together will constitute a correlation of forces to which China will have to adjust.” Washington is heeding this advice. While Republicans and Democrats currently agree on little, many find common ground on the need to balance a rising China by creating robust coalitions. Officials in both the Trump and Biden administrations have pushed for NATO states to focus on the China threat, while also endeavoring to forge closer security ties with numerous states","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"113 - 132"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46125205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

History of ECT in Schizophrenia: From Discovery to Current Use. 精神分裂症电痉挛疗法的历史：从发现到现在的使用。

3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-08-24 eCollection Date: 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/schizbullopen/sgac053

Gonzague Corbin de Mangoux, Ali Amad, Clélia Quilès, Franck Schürhoff, Baptiste Pignon

{"title":"History of ECT in Schizophrenia: From Discovery to Current Use.","authors":"Gonzague Corbin de Mangoux, Ali Amad, Clélia Quilès, Franck Schürhoff, Baptiste Pignon","doi":"10.1093/schizbullopen/sgac053","DOIUrl":"10.1093/schizbullopen/sgac053","url":null,"abstract":"Eighty years ago, schizophrenia was the first indication for electroconulsive therapy (ECT), and likewise ECT was one of the first treatments used for schizophrenia. This paper presents the history of ECT in the treatment of schizophrenia and its evolution, from it's discovery in the 20th century, which is an example of empiricism with a sequence of \"shock\" therapies. Following this discovery, the use ECT in schizophrenia has been in expansion during several decades, in a context of lack of efficacy of the treatment in schizophrenia. Then, after World War II and the derivative use of ECT in Germany, the use of ECT has decline during several decades. However, in the last decades, the use of ECT in schizophrenia has reemerged. Indeed, among patients in schizophrenia, rates of resistance to treatment have always been and still are high. In 2017, the concept of \"ultra-treatment resistant schizophrenia\" was defined when clozapine was tried and failed; and ECT, that had been long since abandoned in the treatment of schizophrenia until recent renewed interest, has emerged especially concerning the add-on of ECT to clozapine. However, ECT remains highly stigmatized and underutilized. This article looks at the history of the practice of ECT in schizophrenia with a historical and clinical approach and makes connections between the history of the treatment and its influence on its current recommendation and practice.","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"25 1","pages":"sgac053"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11205978/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86448116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Transforming the Industrial Heartlands: a Transatlantic Initiative 改变工业中心地带:跨大西洋倡议

IF 1.7 3区社会学

Washington Quarterly Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/0163660X.2022.2126111

Jeffrey T. Anderson, A. Westwood

{"title":"Transforming the Industrial Heartlands: a Transatlantic Initiative","authors":"Jeffrey T. Anderson, A. Westwood","doi":"10.1080/0163660X.2022.2126111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/0163660X.2022.2126111","url":null,"abstract":"The first thirteen months of President Biden’s tenure saw the transatlantic partnership go on a compressed rollercoaster ride reminiscent of the Obama years: an early honeymoon phase of hope and optimism, ending abruptly with a string of setbacks and misunderstandings—in this case, the precipitous US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the AUKUS submarine deal in late 2021— only to be forgotten as the alliance rallied with admirable resolve and resilience in the face of Russian military aggression directed at Ukraine. Business as usual in the transatlantic partnership? Yes and no. Although the solidarity demonstrated by the transatlantic alliance is both gratifying and reassuring, it is hardly cause for complacency. The three decades since the end of the ColdWar, and especially the four years of the Trump Administration, left their mark on the foundations of the relationship. Ongoing efforts to repair and strengthen US-European relations across a broad range of issues will continue to be halting and painstaking, not simply due to the complexity of the challenges but also because of new domestic political realities. In Europe, elites and mass publics are more skeptical of the staying power of US global leadership and more willing to hedge against the possible return of the America First agenda after 2024. Many European governments are under pressure as domestic politics","PeriodicalId":46957,"journal":{"name":"Washington Quarterly","volume":"45 1","pages":"65 - 77"},"PeriodicalIF":1.7,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47758923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0