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Exponence and the functional load of grammatical tone in Gyeli 指数化与盖里语法语气的功能负荷
2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000131
Nadine Grimm
{"title":"Exponence and the functional load of grammatical tone in Gyeli","authors":"Nadine Grimm","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000131","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Grammatical tone (GT) can be the sole exponent or a co-exponent of grammatical meaning (Hyman 2012; Rolle 2018), but there has been little discussion of how they distribute within a single language. In this article, I explore the relationship between tonal and segmental materials in Gyeli (Bantu A801, Cameroon), adopting a property-driven approach to phonological typology (Plank 2001; Hyman 2009). Gyeli has eight GTs in simple predicates, which serve as sole exponents of tense, aspect, mood and polarity distinctions and object-marking. When GT is a co-exponent accompanied by segmental material, for example, in auxiliary constructions, the information that the tonal component contributes to the meaning is insufficient to distinguish between grammatical categories: its functional load is weak. The decrease in functional load is correlated with an increase in length of a segmental co-exponent. This can be explained by the tonal cophonologies of segmental morphemes and their different GT dominance types.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135636913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Phonology cannot transpose: evidence from Meto 音系学不能调换来自Meto的证据
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000088
Kate Mooney
{"title":"Phonology cannot transpose: evidence from Meto","authors":"Kate Mooney","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000088","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Metathesis poses challenges for a typologically constrained theory of phonology: despite being simple to describe, its distribution is highly restricted, making it difficult to create analyses that make predictions while not overgenerating. Here, I investigate metathesis in Uab Meto (Austronesian; Indonesia), an understudied language with CV metathesis that is synchronic and productive. Drawing on original fieldwork, I argue that metathesis is not transposition, but instead a serial delete-and-spread mechanism (cf. Takahashi 2018, 2019). To support this, I present a deep case study into the language’s phonology, showing that metathesis arises from spreading, deletion and epenthesis patterns. I propose that synchronic metathesis systems like Uab Meto’s can only emerge from the successive application of these mechanisms, and hypothesise that true transposition, if it exists, only arises through morpheme-specific operations. This study thus presents a new look onto the typology of synchronic metathesis, and offers an explanatory account of its typological rarity.</p>","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"94 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Is grammatical tone item-based or process-based? 语法语调是基于条目还是基于过程?
2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000106
Hannah Sande
{"title":"Is grammatical tone item-based or process-based?","authors":"Hannah Sande","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000106","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article considers the question of what constitutes item-based morphology, with a specific look at grammatical tone. Numerous case studies of grammatical tone are examined in light of the debate on whether morphology is item-based or process-based. In each case, tonal alternations are an exponent, sometimes the sole exponent, of some grammatical feature. Two of the case studies are examples of grammatical tone that can straightforwardly be analysed as involving concatenated morphophonological forms; however, in other cases, the grammatical tone cannot be reduced to the concatenation of a tonal affix or phonological feature with some stem. The latter type cannot straightforwardly be analysed as item-based, but if still phonologically predictable and productive, is not satisfactorily analysed as suppletive. This article suggests a set of diagnostics that can be used to determine whether a given phenomenon is best analysed as item-based, process-based or suppletive. Then, an analysis is presented in Cophonologies by Phase (CbP), where morphosyntactic features can be mapped not only to underlying phonological items, but also to morpheme-specific constraint weight adjustments. CbP allows for what may have been traditionally called item-based and process-based morphology to co-exist in a single framework.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135895999","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Grammatical and lexical sources of allomorphy in Amuzgo inflectional tone 阿穆兹戈屈折调异型的语法和词汇来源
2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1017/s095267572300012x
Yuni Kim
{"title":"Grammatical and lexical sources of allomorphy in Amuzgo inflectional tone","authors":"Yuni Kim","doi":"10.1017/s095267572300012x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s095267572300012x","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Amuzgo (Otomanguean: Mexico) has a large inventory of lexically arbitrary tonal inflection classes in person/number paradigms, where inflectional tones overwrite the root's lexical tone. In causatives, however, inflectional tones are predictable from phonological properties of the root, primarily lexical tone. The inertness of root inflection classes in causatives is argued to follow from cyclicity: once the causative Voice head triggers spell-out, lexical inflection-class specifications are no longer visible, and only phonological information can condition allomorphy in the outer domain of person/number agreement. The grammatical behaviour of inflectional tone thus reflects its structural morphosyntactic position, as distinct from its linear phonological one. I distinguish between several possible analyses of phonologically conditioned tonal-overwriting allomorphy, and propose that the Amuzgo case involves constraint-mediated competition among a priority-ranked list of allomorphs in the input, rather than creation of tonal allomorph candidates purely within the phonology or subcategorisation frames in the lexical representations of allomorphs.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135831077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Grammatical tone mapping in Ekegusii 埃克古斯语的语法语调映射
2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000118
Larry M. Hyman, Hildah Kemunto Nyamwaro
{"title":"Grammatical tone mapping in Ekegusii","authors":"Larry M. Hyman, Hildah Kemunto Nyamwaro","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000118","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A major issue in Bantu morphophonology is how to get the right tones in the right ‘cells’ in the verb paradigm. In many Bantu languages, grammatical tones are assigned to different positions in the verb stem depending on inflectional features of tense, aspect, mood (TAM), polarity and clause type: The same TAM may assign different tones (and different segmental allomorphs) in the affirmative vs. negative and in main vs. relative clauses. Although such ‘melodic tones’ (Odden &amp; Bickmore 2014) are typically restricted to the verb stem (root + suffixes), often also the domain of vowel harmony and other segmental phonology, both the presence and mapping of grammatical tones within the stem cannot be determined without reference to the prefixal inflectional marking of subject, negation, TAM and object which precede the stem. In this article, we discuss three cases in Ekegusii, a Bantu language of Kenya, that require the stem-assigned grammatical tones to look ‘outward’ to morphological and phonological properties of such prefixes: (1) differential mapping according to whether the pre-stem tone-bearing unit is toneless, a derived H(igh) (from H-tone spreading), or underlyingly /H/ (Bickmore 1997, 1999); (2) presence of an object prefix in imperative and subjunctive forms and (3) initial/final tone agreement between the subject prefix and the final vowel of the verb (cf. Rolle &amp; Bickmore (2022). We will show that Ekegusii provides extensive evidence that both the presence of grammatical Hs and their specific mapping, while targeting the stem (root + suffixes), must be ‘globally’ calculated on the basis of the entire morphosyntactic structure of the verb (including features exponed by prefixes).","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135387138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The atomic properties of stress 应力的原子性质
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000076
Nate Koser
{"title":"The atomic properties of stress","authors":"Nate Koser","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000076","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article posits a theory of iterative stress that separates each facet of the stress map into its constituent parts, or ‘atoms’. Through the well-defined notion of complexity provided by Formal Language Theory, it is shown that this division of the stress map results in a more restrictive characterisation of iterative stress than a single-function analysis does. While the single-function approach masks the complexity of the atomic properties present in the pattern, the compositional analysis makes it explicitly clear. It also demonstrates the degree to which, despite what appear to be significant surface differences in the patterns, the calculation of the stress function is largely the same, even between quantity-sensitive and quantity-insensitive patterns. These stress compositions are limited to one output-local function to iterate stress, and a small number of what I call <span>edge-oriented</span> functions to provide ‘cleanup’ when the iteration function alone fails to capture the pattern.</p>","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"95 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Degenerate feet in phrasal phonology: evidence from Latin and Ancient Greek 短语音韵学中的退化脚:来自拉丁语和古希腊语的证据
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-09-08 DOI: 10.1017/s095267572300009x
Kevin M. Ryan
{"title":"Degenerate feet in phrasal phonology: evidence from Latin and Ancient Greek","authors":"Kevin M. Ryan","doi":"10.1017/s095267572300009x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s095267572300009x","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Degenerate feet, even when forbidden in isolated words, can arise within phrases due to resyllabification. In particular, when a stressed monosyllable of the shape C0VC (where V is short) undergoes resyllabification in Latin and Ancient Greek, it yields a degenerate foot. While degenerate feet were tolerated in prose, they were avoided in hexameter verse. Even though a degenerate foot is a kind of light syllable, a light metrical position could not contain a foot. Verse evidence is used as a window onto the general prosodic structure of each language, revealing that speakers productively recognised degenerate feet and distinguished them from other prosodic categories.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43493752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The features and geometry of tone in Laal 拉尔语音调的特征和几何形状
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000040
Florian Lionnet
{"title":"The features and geometry of tone in Laal","authors":"Florian Lionnet","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000040","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Features are standard in segmental analysis but have been less successfully applied to tone. Subtonal features have even been argued to be less satisfactory for the representation of African tone than tonal primitives such as H, M, L (Hyman 2010; Clements <span>et al.</span> 2010). I argue that the two-feature system of Yip (1980) and Pulleyblank (1986) offers a straightforward account of the tonology of Laal, an endangered, three-tone isolate of southern Chad – in particular properties of the Mid tone that are otherwise difficult to account for, namely the avoidance of complex patterns involving M, and a pervasive M-to-L lowering process, both straightforwardly analysed as subtonal assimilation. Other tonal operations in Laal are shown to involve full-tone behaviour, justifying a tone geometry <span>à la</span> Snider (1999, 2020) where subtonal features are linked to a Tonal Root Node, giving tones the ability to be either fully or partially active, just like segments.</p>","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"95 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Jonathan Barnes and Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel (eds.) (2022). Prosodic theory and practice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pp. ix + 453. 乔纳森·巴恩斯和斯蒂芬妮·沙塔克-哈夫纳格尔(编)(2022)。韵律理论与实践。马萨诸塞州剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社。Pp. ix + 453。
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-05-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000052
Kristine M. Yu
{"title":"Jonathan Barnes and Stefanie Shattuck-Hufnagel (eds.) (2022). Prosodic theory and practice. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pp. ix + 453.","authors":"Kristine M. Yu","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000052","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44127144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Flexible syntax–prosody mapping of Intonational Phrases in the context of varying verb height 动词高度变化背景下语调短语的灵活语法韵律映射
IF 1.3 2区 文学
Phonology Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000015
Lena Borise, David Erschler
{"title":"Flexible syntax–prosody mapping of Intonational Phrases in the context of varying verb height","authors":"Lena Borise, David Erschler","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper provides new evidence in support of the hypothesis that the syntax–prosody mapping of Intonational Phrases is flexible (Hamlaoui and Szendrői 2015). In the traditional ‘rigid’ approaches, Intonational Phrases are taken to map onto particular syntactic projections. In contrast, in the ‘flexible’ approach, the Intonational Phrase corresponds to the highest projection of the verb (HVP). Accordingly, the ‘flexible’ approach predicts that the HVP should also determine the size of Intonational Phrases in a language where the verb height depends on the utterance type. Our evidence comes from a language of this type, Iron Ossetic (East Iranian). First, we demonstrate that verbs in Iron Ossetic occupy different functional heads in different contexts. Then, based on novel prosodic data, we show that the HVP indeed directly determines the size of Intonational Phrases in clauses with narrow foci and negative indefinites. Additionally, in wh-questions, language-specific mapping constraints come into play.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41967151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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