PhonologyPub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000071
Jinyoung Jo
{"title":"Korean vowel harmony has weak phonotactic support and has limited productivity","authors":"Jinyoung Jo","doi":"10.1017/s0952675724000071","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675724000071","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Chong (2017) claims that a derived environment process is productive to the extent that it is supported by phonotactics. The present study tests this claim by comparing variable patterns observed in Korean vowel harmony of suffix alternation with vowel co-occurrence restrictions in the lexicon. A corpus study replicated findings of previous studies that the harmony in suffix alternation is losing productivity, conditioned by the quality of the stem vowel, the number of intervening consonants between the vowels and the stem class. Phonotactic generalisations in vowel sequences matched such tendencies in the alternation in that harmony was feeble in phonotactics and that some of the factors that modulate the harmony in alternation were found to affect the harmony in phonotactics as well. The findings generally support Chong’s claim that lack of phonotactic support for an alternation makes it harder to learn.</p>","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142261168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-09-19DOI: 10.1017/s095267572400006x
John Harris, Eno-Abasi Urua, Kevin Tang
{"title":"A unified model of lenition as modulation reduction: gauging consonant strength in Ibibio","authors":"John Harris, Eno-Abasi Urua, Kevin Tang","doi":"10.1017/s095267572400006x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s095267572400006x","url":null,"abstract":"We review and elaborate an account of consonantal strength that is founded on the model of speech as a modulated carrier signal. The stronger the consonant, the greater the modulation. Unlike approaches based on sonority or articulatory aperture, the account offers a uniform definition of the phonetic effect lenition has on consonants: All types of lenition (such as debuccalisation, spirantisation and vocalisation) reduce the extent to which a consonant modulates the carrier. To demonstrate the quantifiability of this account, we present an analysis of Ibibio, in which we investigate the effects of lenition on the amplitude, periodicity and temporal properties of consonants. We propose a method for integrating these different acoustic dimensions within an overall measure of modulation size. Not only does the modulated-carrier account cover all the classically recognised lenition types, but it also encompasses loss of plosive release in final stops – which, although not traditionally classed as lenition, is clearly related to processes that are.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142261169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-04-15DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000046
Yu Tanaka
{"title":"Learning biases in proper nouns","authors":"Yu Tanaka","doi":"10.1017/s0952675724000046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675724000046","url":null,"abstract":"It has been proposed that there are cognitive biases in language learning that favour certain patterns over others. This study examines the effects of such bias factors on the learning of the phonology of proper nouns. I take up the phenomenon of compound voicing in Japanese surnames. The results of two judgment experiments show that, while Japanese speakers replicate various kinds of statistical regularities in existing names, they tend to extend only phonologically motivated patterns to novel names. This suggests that phonological naturalness plays a role even in the learning of a highly faithful category of words, namely proper nouns, and provides evidence for the relevance of learning biases in synchronic grammar.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140571359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-03-22DOI: 10.1017/s0952675724000034
Elliott Moreton, Katya Pertsova
{"title":"Implicit and explicit processes in phonological concept learning","authors":"Elliott Moreton, Katya Pertsova","doi":"10.1017/s0952675724000034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675724000034","url":null,"abstract":"Non-linguistic pattern learning uses distinct implicit and explicit processes, which differ in behavioural signatures, inductive biases and proposed model architectures. This study asked whether both processes are available in phonotactic learning in the lab. Five Internet experiments collected generalisation, learning curves, response times and detailed debriefings from 671 valid participants. Implicit and explicit learners were found in all conditions and experiments. Objective measures of implicit <jats:italic>vs.</jats:italic> explicit learning were correlated with introspective self-report. Participants spontaneously discovered and named phonetic features. These findings contradict the common (usually tacit) assumption that ‘artificial-language’ participants learn only implicitly. Learning mode also affected inductive bias: Implicit learning improved performance on family-resemblance patterns relative to biconditionals (if-and-only-if, exclusive-or) in two experiments. The direction of this effect is unexpected under many current theories of how implicit and explicit concept learning differ, and is consistent with models of explicit learning which take pattern-irrelevant features into account.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"122 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140199069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000180
Jochen Trommer
{"title":"The stratal structure of Kuria morphological tone","authors":"Jochen Trommer","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000180","url":null,"abstract":"Marlo <jats:italic>et al.</jats:italic> (2015) claim that Kuria verbal tone morphology undermines three well-established principles of locality and modularity: (1) <jats:italic>Phonological Locality</jats:italic>: the assumption that rules and constraints may only evaluate a small window of phonological objects; (2) <jats:italic>Cyclic Locality</jats:italic>: the stratal organization of morphophonology into stems, words and phrases; and (3) <jats:italic>Indirect Reference</jats:italic>: the claim that phonological rules and constraints cannot directly access morphosyntactic information. Sande <jats:italic>et al.</jats:italic> (2020) turn this claim into an argument for a new model of the morphosyntax–phonology interface, Cophonologies by Phase, which erases the separation between phonology and morphology and abandons standard locality domains in favour of syntactic phases. In this article, I show that the conclusions of both articles are unfounded: the Kuria data follow naturally from an analysis based on autosegmental tone melodies in a version of Stratal Optimality Theory which embraces all three restrictions, Phonological and Cyclic Locality and Indirect Reference, the latter implemented by Coloured Containment Theory. I argue that this approach obviates the technical and conceptual objections raised by Marlo <jats:italic>et al.</jats:italic> against a tone-melody analysis of Kuria, and makes more restrictive predictions about possible systems of tonal morphophonology compared to construction phonology frameworks.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139765668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-02-07DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000234
Max J. Kaplan
{"title":"Stratal overgeneration is necessary: metrically incoherent syncope in Southern Pomo","authors":"Max J. Kaplan","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000234","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000234","url":null,"abstract":"Southern Pomo (Pomoan, California) displays a process of rhythmic vowel deletion (syncope) reflecting two mutually incompatible metrical structures. This phenomenon, called <jats:italic>metrical incoherence</jats:italic>, can be derived by an ordered sequence of independent subgrammars, that is, strata. Metrical incoherence is under-attested crosslinguistically, and the stratal models of phonology necessary to generate it have been criticised for predicting counter-typological phenomena. Nevertheless, the Southern Pomo data cannot be generated in more restrictive frameworks. This article argues that overgeneration is a necessary property of the phonological component, and that metrical incoherence is rare because it is difficult to learn. In Southern Pomo, this difficulty appears to have caused grammatical competition and restructuring: a second pattern of syncope, occurring in only a limited context, suggests that learners have reanalysed the grammar as having consistent metrical structure across the derivation. This work thus supports the proposal that diachronic change – and therefore typology – is constrained by extragrammatical factors.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139765663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-01-12DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000222
Nadezhda Makeeva, Natalia Kuznetsova
{"title":"Phonological and acoustic properties of ATR in the vowel system of Akebu (Kwa)","authors":"Nadezhda Makeeva, Natalia Kuznetsova","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000222","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This study examines phonological and phonetic properties of ATR contrasts in the vowel system of Akebu (Kwa). The sum of descriptive evidence, including vowel harmony, vowel distribution in non-harmonising contexts, vowel reduction and typological and etymological considerations, indicates a rare vowel inventory with an ATR contrast in front/back vowels but a height contrast in the three redundantly [\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000$-$\u0000\u0000 \u0000 ATR] central vowels /ᵻ, ə, a/. This analysis was checked against four common acoustic metrics of ATR: F1 and F2 frequencies, spectral slope and F1 bandwidth size (B1). As expected, the results for the last three metrics were variable across speakers and vowel types, and are therefore inconclusive. The results for F1 were consistent but do not distinguish between ATR and vowel height. Two results nonetheless suggest the [\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000$-$\u0000\u0000 \u0000 ATR] status of central vowels: they occupy the same belt of F1 frequencies and show the same position of observed-over-predicted B1 values as front and back [\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000$-$\u0000\u0000 \u0000 ATR] vowels.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"2 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139437835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2024-01-11DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000192
Naiyan Du, Karthik Durvasula
{"title":"Phonetically incomplete neutralisation can be phonologically complete: evidence from Huai’an Mandarin","authors":"Naiyan Du, Karthik Durvasula","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000192","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The phenomenon of incomplete neutralisation describes a situation where a putative case of categorical phonological neutralisation is observed to be phonetically non-neutralising. This has been argued to be a problem for phonological theories that employ categorical features. Here, we use two distinct feeding orders of tone sandhi processes from Huai’an Mandarin to show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation is compatible with categorical phonological phenomena. Therefore, incomplete phonetic neutralisation does not automatically inform us of gradient phonological representations. We further show that incomplete phonetic neutralisation can in fact have a large effect size. Such results are not surprising from a classic generative view of phonology where linguistic performance is argued to be a multi-factorial problem, and linguistic knowledge (i.e., competence) is only one of the many factors involved. Furthermore, our results suggest that the observed incompleteness or gradience may have a source outside phonological knowledge.</p>","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139420847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000179
Florian Lionnet, Laura McPherson, Nicholas Rolle
{"title":"Theoretical approaches to grammatical tone","authors":"Florian Lionnet, Laura McPherson, Nicholas Rolle","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000179","url":null,"abstract":"Tone is distinct from other phonological phenomena both qualitatively and quantitatively (Hyman 2011), and has been instrumental in shaping phonological theory in many ways. However, the contributions to current linguistic theory of “grammatical tone’ (GT) – a type of non-concatenative morphology where a morpheme is expressed at least in part by tone and/or tone changes – have been less apparent. In this paper, we take stock of the types of GT patterns attested in the literature and the different theoretical treatments of GT that have been proposed to date. We show that GT is still to a large extent underexplored, and highlight the immense potential of the study of GT for improving our understanding of phonology and its outer limits. This paper serves as an introduction to the high-quality research articles collected in this special issue, which directly address how GT critically informs phonological theory and its current developments.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"93 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138495335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
PhonologyPub Date : 2023-11-10DOI: 10.1017/s0952675723000167
Arto Anttila, Adams Bodomo
{"title":"Tone and morphological level ordering in Dagaare","authors":"Arto Anttila, Adams Bodomo","doi":"10.1017/s0952675723000167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675723000167","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Dagaare is a language of northern Ghana and adjoining areas of Burkina Faso. There are two tones, H and L, and contrastive downstep H ! H that involves a non-automatic pitch drop between two H tones. The challenge is to explain the extensive morphological conditioning of tonal processes, including dissimilation, downstep and spreading. Our solution involves level ordering: tones are introduced at different morphological levels (stems, words and phrases) and later processes can make earlier processes opaque. Tonal differences between nouns (spreading) versus verbs (no spreading) and stems (dissimilation) versus words (downstep) arise from constraint ranking differences within and across levels. There are two kinds of downsteps: stem-level downsteps are underlying L tones affiliated with some morpheme; word-level downsteps are L tones inserted by a general process of word-final lowering. Only one downstep per word is allowed. If more would arise, the morphologically inner downstep blocks the morphologically outer downstep.","PeriodicalId":46804,"journal":{"name":"Phonology","volume":"20 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135092531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}