Grace Wivell, Veronica Miatto, Ayla Karakaş, Kalina Kostyszyn, Lori Repetti
{"title":"All about ablaut: a typology of ablaut reduplicative structures","authors":"Grace Wivell, Veronica Miatto, Ayla Karakaş, Kalina Kostyszyn, Lori Repetti","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2023-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2023-0018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this typological study, we identify 31 languages that have reduplication with a changed vowel, as in English tick-tock, referred to as ablaut reduplication. Cross-linguistically, this type of reduplication typically manifests as total reduplication with a changed vowel whose quality may or may not be fixed, and when it is not fixed the vowel differs maximally from the corresponding vowel in the base. The order of the copy relative to the base can be fixed or variable, and when it is variable the order enforces a language-specific vowel contour across the two components, such as a low vowel in the first constituent and a high vowel in the second, regardless of which constituent is the base. Furthermore, all cases of ablaut have strikingly similar semantics (playfulness, onomatopoeia, movement, etc.). We review previous treatments of the topic and outline the necessary components of a unified analysis that accommodates the typological patterns.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141106989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Gender, number and person: a three-way interaction","authors":"Thomas Berg","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2023-0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2023-0025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 According to the principle of informativity, more useful information is more likely to be coded than less useful information. This principle underlies Greenberg’s Universals 37 and 45, which state that a larger number of (sex-based) gender contrasts are on average found in singular than in non-singular forms. As an increase in group size lowers the probability of same sex groups, gender-specific personal pronouns are less useful in the non-singular than in the singular. Curiously enough, the principle of informativity also makes the opposite prediction: in the first person, non-singular forms are predicted to show a gender contrast more frequently than singular forms do. Moreover, exclusive forms are predicted to develop gender distinctions more often than inclusive forms. In this paper, these predictions are put to a typological test. A total of 51 languages from 17 different families and 24 different genera has been found in which the first person singular personal pronoun is gender-neutral while one or more of its non-singular counterparts inflect for gender. It is argued that Universals 37 and 45, as well as their counterclaim, are empirically adequate. This apparent paradox dissolves in a three-way interaction of gender, number and person in pronominal paradigms. In keeping with the principle of informativity, there is a bias in favour of gender marking in the third person singular but also a bias in favour of gender marking in the first person non-singular.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141119684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E. Palancar, Roberto Zavala Maldonado, C. Chamoreau
{"title":"Headless relative clauses with a gap: a typological trait of Mesoamerican languages","authors":"E. Palancar, Roberto Zavala Maldonado, C. Chamoreau","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2022-0080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2022-0080","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper has two main goals. One is to introduce a type of “headless” (or “antecedentless”) relative clause that presents a gap strategy and that has not been sufficiently discussed in the typological literature. The other is to show that this type of headless relative clause with a gap is a characteristic trait of Mesoamerican languages, since it exists in many languages of the Mesoamerican linguistic area as an important constructional option in their relativization syntax, independently of the genetic relationships of the language in question. Two types of headless relative clauses are well known to date: one involving a relativization strategy with a relative pronoun (e.g., I wore what you asked me to wear) and another with a light head, introduced by Citko (2004. On headed, headless, and light-headed relatives. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 22. 95–126), somewhat comparable to I wore the one that you asked me to wear. The third type of headless relative clause discussed here presents a gap (i.e., there is no manifestation of the relativized term in the relative clause). It would be equivalent to saying ‘I wore you asked me to wear’. The phenomenon we study here is interesting both from a typological and areal point of view.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140684142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Objects as human bodies: cross-linguistic colexifications between words for body parts and objects","authors":"Annika Tjuka","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2023-0032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2023-0032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Many languages have words that denote a human body part and an object, for example, hand, which refers to a part of a person and a watch. As of yet, there is no systematic study on the distribution of these shared names, i.e., colexifications, between two concrete semantic domains in a variety of languages. Here, I present a study that investigates colexifications between body and object concepts, i.e., body-object colexifications. By using a newly established workflow, colexifications are automatically extracted based on a seed list containing 134 body concepts and 650 object concepts. The analysis focuses on the frequency, distribution, cognitive relations, and coincidental cases of 78 body-object colexifications occurring across 396 language varieties. The results show that some body-object colexifications are widespread, but most occur in a small number of language varieties. By creating a network structure to examine individual relations and additionally comparing ratings of visual and haptic perception across concepts, the study indicates that the similarity of visual perception plays a central role in the emergence of body-object colexifications. The findings provide a first general overview of the phenomenon and offer ample opportunities for future research.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140713491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Establishing the limits between Polarity Sensitivity, Negative Polarity and Negative Concord","authors":"Urtzi Etxeberria, M. Espinal, Susagna Tubau","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2022-0083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2022-0083","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, by focussing on the behaviour of polarity elements from a variety of languages from different language families (namely, Basque, Hindi, English, Romanian, Spanish, Greek, Czech, and Russian) we investigate the relationship between Polarity Sensitive Items (PSIs) and Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) on the one hand, and between PSIs and Negative Concord items (NCIs) on the other. Based on a number of contrasts that we find, we argue that: (i) if a language has PSIs it does not necessarily have NCIs; (ii) PSIs need to be distinguished from NPIs; (iii) NCIs emerge as a subtype of PSIs, not of NPIs; and (iv) all languages that show Negative Concord (NC) also have Polarity Sensitivity (PS), but the opposite does not hold. We thus postulate that PS is a general phenomenon across languages with Negative Polarity (NPol) and NC as possible subtypes of PS but independent among them, and argue against the standard hypothesis that NC is a special subtype of NPol.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140742223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Towards a new typology of comparative constructions in East Asian languages","authors":"Chenlei Zhou","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2023-0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2023-0028","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a typology that sheds light on the diversity and complexity of comparative constructions across languages. Specifically, this study focuses on topic-prominent comparatives, a newly discovered type of comparative construction commonly found in East Asian languages, providing a comprehensive analysis of their features and subtypes. Drawing from a wide range of East Asian languages, this study delineates three subtypes of topic-prominent comparatives: double-comparatum comparatives (‘Hair she is longer than me’), comparee-standard mismatched comparatives (‘Her hair is longer than me’), and standard-topic comparatives (‘My hair, her hair is longer’). Additionally, this study introduces a pair of new parameters: concrete measurement and abstract measurement of comparative degrees. Concrete measurement involves the use of precise numerical values or quantifiable units to make comparisons, such as three years in I am three years older than you. Conversely, abstract measurement involves the use of non-specific, relative terms to establish comparisons, such as much in I am much older than you. These parameters are positioned differently in some East Asian languages.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139523445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Encoding of nominal predication constructions: a typological investigation in verb-initial languages","authors":"Liwei Gong, Satoshi Uehara","doi":"10.1515/lingty-2023-0035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2023-0035","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Encoding of nominal predication constructions (NPC) is an essential component in typological debates concerning lexical flexibility and parts of speech. This study investigates encoding strategies of NPCs in 65 verb-initial languages from 20 language families. The results indicate that the combinations of a zero strategy and certain other typological features are cross-linguistically disfavored due to non-iconicity. The varying degree of lexical flexibility observed among languages reflects a competition between economy and iconicity, as in many other aspects of linguistic diversity.","PeriodicalId":45834,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Typology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135585691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}