Australian Journal of Politics and History最新文献

{"title":"An Examination of the Policy Content of Scott Morrison's and Anthony Albanese's 2022 Federal Election Campaign Materials","authors":"Linda Courtenay Botterill,&nbsp;Michael James Walsh","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12997","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12997","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This Research Note reports on an analysis of the speeches, media releases, opinion pieces, and transcripts of the utterances of both major party leaders, Scott Morrison and Anthony Albanese, during the 2022 federal election campaign. We undertake a reflexive thematic analysis of these documents to identify the key messages of the two campaigns.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"838-847"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12997","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141384053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Issues in Australian Foreign Policy July to December 2023","authors":"Tom Conley","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12998","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;Australia continued to commit to US strategy in the Indo-Pacific and the rest of the world. While foreign policy has clearly shifted under the Albanese government, it appears that Australia has no real appetite for developing “a middle path for a middle power”.2 Australia has long been trying to ‘balance’ its major security and economic partners, whilst knowing full well that security relationships ultimately matter most. Harking back to the China choice debate, it's now clearer than ever that Australia will ‘choose’ the United States if conflict were to occur between the United States and China, if it were ever in doubt! Still, Australia does not want to make an exclusive choice unless it must. Clearly, good relations with China are beneficial for the Australian economy and the period under review saw marked improvements in the relationship, which was a win for those exporters previously shut out of the Chinese market.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent Israeli military response was the dominant international news story of the six-month period. The Israel/Palestine issue fits uncomfortably into the US-centric Australian security framework, with the government concerned not to differ too much from the US position of unequivocal support for Israel. This is despite Albanese's previous support for the Palestinian cause and his status as a founding member of the Parliamentary Friends of Palestine group.3 While the United States eventually made some efforts to temper the intensity of the Israeli response and provide support for the people of Gaza, there were huge casualties - including many children – and the widescale destruction of buildings and infrastructure. In the final days of the year, the Israeli military response led South Africa to institute proceedings against Israel in the International Court of Justice. Israel/Palestine comes and goes as a significant issue for Australian foreign policy, inserting itself into the policy sphere in reaction to events on the ground in the Middle East. It is the possibility of a wider Middle Eastern conflict that will perhaps dominate coming periods of review.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Another clear theme of the period was a continuation of the Albanese government's efforts to engage with the Indo-Pacific, with Ministers connected to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade making regular visits and engaging with the Pacific Island Countries (PICs), Southeast Asia and India.4&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Wong attended the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Suva in mid-September, meeting with Fijian Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs Sitiveni Rabuka to “discuss enhancing our Partnership, strengthening our economies, responding to the climate crisis and delivering for our shared regional interests”.15&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The following month Wong announced the new Pacific Engagement Visa, which “will enable up to 3,000 nationals of Pacific Island countries and Timor-Leste to migrate to Australia as permanent ","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 2","pages":"300-322"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12998","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141487974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Consider Carefully the Best Use of Our Limited Resources”: Australian Space Policy, 1960–72","authors":"Tristan Moss","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12995","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In Australia's long engagement with space activities, the 1960s are singled out as a particular period of technological achievement. In turn, these achievements are often described as having been a potential foundation for an expanded Australian space programme that was rejected by the Australian government. However, these arguments, which might be termed a narrative of “missed opportunity” in writing about Australia's space past, are rarely made with reference to the archival record. This article argues that analysis of key decisions around space during the 1960s show that rather than being dismissive of space technology, the Australian government was cognisant of the potential benefits of space. It was supportive of Australian involvement when it met with broader national needs and willing to expend significant government resources in investigating and supporting space endeavours. Equally, it declined to expand Australia's expenditure on space when, like any other policy area, the proposals did not meet Australian needs, were poorly designed, or both.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"758-775"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12995","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142764428","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Aboriginal Self-determination, Land Rights, and Recognition in the Whitlam Era: Laying Groundwork for Power Sharing and Representation","authors":"Diana Perche","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12996","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12996","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Whitlam Labor government (1972–75) is remembered for ushering in a new era in Indigenous affairs, with the move to “self-determination”, abandoning the longstanding insistence on “assimilation”. The new government intended to deploy the Commonwealth's new legislative power established in the 1967 constitutional referendum to bring in a range of reforms, responding to consistent demands from Indigenous leaders, activists, and supporters through the previous decade. Whitlam's campaign speech promised anti-discrimination legislation, provisions to allow Aboriginal communities to incorporate, and legislation of a system of land tenure. The government faced considerable political obstacles, ultimately curbing the ambitious reform agenda. Nevertheless, these initial efforts to conceptualise representation, recognition, and compensation laid important foundations for the current public debate about “Voice, Treaty, Truth”, following the <i>Uluru Statement from the Heart</i>. This paper explores self-determination through the path-breaking work of the Woodward Aboriginal Land Rights Commission and the establishment of well-resourced land councils as authoritative and legitimate representatives of Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. The Whitlam government's willingness to experiment with power-sharing in the sensitive area of land ownership provided a valuable prototype for genuine engagement with First Nations people today, as Australia contemplates the failure of the constitutional referendum around a Voice to parliament.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 2","pages":"169-187"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12996","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141124048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Double Disillusion: Legal and Political Aspects of the 1974 Double Dissolution","authors":"Matt Harvey","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12991","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12991","url":null,"abstract":"<p>One of the great unanswered questions of the Commonwealth Constitution is whether the House of Representatives and Senate are equal or whether one ultimately has more power than the other. The Whitlam Labor government elected in 1972 faced a Senate elected in 1967 and 1970. Despite Senate obstruction, Whitlam proceeded with an ambitious legislative programme through 1973 and into 1974. By April 1974, six bills appeared to provide a “trigger” for the use of the Section 57 deadlock resolution procedure in the Constitution. Section 57 provides that if a bill has been twice passed by the House of Representatives and twice rejected by the Senate, the Governor-General can dissolve both houses and an election is held. If the government is returned and wishes to proceed with the trigger bills, it can again pass them through the House and if they are again rejected by the Senate, the Governor-General can convene a joint sitting of the two houses at which, if the bill is approved by an absolute majority, it is deemed to be passed. Major obstruction in the Senate, including a threat by the Opposition to block supply, led Whitlam to seek a double dissolution, hoping to gain a majority in both houses or, failing that, the opportunity to pass the trigger bills at a joint sitting. The ensuing election saw the return of the Whitlam government in the House but continuing to lack a majority in the Senate. This led to the only joint sitting in federal history, in which all six trigger bills were passed. But there was a constitutional sting in the tail when the <i>Petroleum and Minerals Authority Act</i> was subsequently found by the High Court not to have been validly passed. This case is argued to have made s57 potentially unworkable. The 1974 double dissolution stands in stark contrast to the 1975 double dissolution, which is argued here to be its “Evil Twin.” There have been three further double dissolutions since 1975: 1983, 1987, and 2016, but no more joint sittings. In 1987, there was set to be a joint sitting on the proposal for an identity card, but this was thwarted on a technicality. So the 1974 double dissolution achieved the objective of breaking a deadlock but at the cost of revealing a way for a determined Senate to make s57 unworkable.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 2","pages":"232-247"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12991","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141123962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Policy Advice and Decolonisation in Papua New Guinea","authors":"Scott MacWilliam","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12994","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12994","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This essay examines a moment in Papua New Guinea's history when international advice about the country's future had particular weight. In placing rural areas and populations at the centre of policy prescriptions, the advice fitted neatly with the ambitions of the Indigenous politicians and business people who were taking hold of and shaping state power. Whether the outcome, an independent nation-state following a policy direction which intended to keep the bulk of the population in the countryside, could reverse the unemployment and disorder which had appeared during late colonialism remained to be seen.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"741-757"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140986370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Revisiting the HMAS Swan Scandal and Histories of Sexual Harassment in the Australian Defence Force","authors":"Noah Riseman","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12985","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12985","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In September 1993, the Australian media was abuzz over a Naval Board of Inquiry which investigated allegations of sexual abuse on the <i>HMAS Swan</i>. Following the Board of Inquiry and media coverage, the Minister for Defence Science and Personnel referred the matter to a new, broader Senate Inquiry into Sexual Harassment in the Australian Defence Force. This inquiry received 122 submissions and handed down its final report in August 1994. The <i>HMAS Swan</i> inquiries were neither the first nor the last major reports investigating abuse in the Australian armed forces. Indeed, media reports and new inquiries every few years suggest a cycle of serial epiphanies – to borrow a phrase from Aboriginal researcher Maggie Walter – about cultures of abuse within the ADF. Yet, what set the <i>HMAS Swan</i> scandal apart from earlier ones was: 1. The interest and interventions taken by the political class, and 2. That it centred on sexual abuse and the status of women in the Australian Defence Force (ADF). This article revisits the <i>HMAS Swan</i> inquiries thirty years later, exploring their findings, legacies and shortcomings. It explores why what could have been a turning point in the treatment of women in the ADF instead became just another inquiry.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"700-719"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12985","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140994957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Men and Women of Australia: Administering Whitlam's Re-Imagined Subject","authors":"Kristen Rundle","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12987","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12987","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This contribution examines and reflects on a less-studied area of life during the Whitlam era: the machinery through which the government's expansion of legislated social security entitlements was administered. The government's record in this area warrants attention not only to gain insight into the everyday mechanics of social security administration in the Whitlam era, but also for what we might learn today from how those who administered that programme were pushed to comprehend the significance of the administrative realm as a site of politics, political action, and political relationships in its own right.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 2","pages":"248-265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12987","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141006054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Australian Capital Territory July to December 2023","authors":"Chris Monnox","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12990","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12990","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;The second half of 2023 saw the government progress several long-mooted reforms. It released a new Territory Plan and legislated an increased age of criminal responsibility, saw off a federal challenge to its drug decriminalisation laws, and introduced a voluntary assisted dying bill. Chief Minister and Treasurer Andrew Barr had to explain a reduced credit rating and changes to payroll tax, but the government seemed to be rolling out its program in an orderly fashion.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;At the same time, however, a good deal of turmoil emerged from other sources. Most dramatically, Greens MLA Jonathan Davis resigned over allegations of sexual impropriety, but the fallout from Bruce Lehrmann's abortive trial also continued. The local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice referendum campaign was relatively uneventful since few doubted the local result, but the Legislative Assembly's principal no campaigner later lost his position as Deputy Opposition Leader in December.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The Barr government has a history of urban reformism in the face of community opposition, and at midyear this looked set to continue. In February the YIMBY (yes in my back yard) group Greater Canberra launched a campaign to allow townhouses and duplexes in Residential Zone One (RZ1), the low density zone covering over eighty percent of Canberra, and it built considerable momentum in the intervening months (see my previous Chronicle in &lt;i&gt;AJPH&lt;/i&gt; 69:4, 2023). In July the Labor Party's ACT conference amended its platform to reflect this demand, albeit with qualifications around timing (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 23 July 2023), and in August the ACT Greens Forum did likewise (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 26 August 2023).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;This activity in the governing parties' organisational wings occurred as the government prepared to release a new Territory Plan, which would set out the ACT's zoning scheme and complement the new planning system introduced in June. In early September Barr signalled changes to RZ1 (&lt;i&gt;RiotAct&lt;/i&gt;, 5 September 2023), but the plan revealed a week later was more restrictive than reform proponents had hoped. The proposed new rules permitted a second house of up to 120 square meters on RZ1 blocks over 800 square meters, which account for about forty percent of the total. These new dwelling could be unit titled, allowing the two houses to be sold separately, but they were subject to the potentially costly development application process (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 11 September 2023, 15–17 September 2023).&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;The “new” RZ1 drew criticism from Greater Canberra, as well as the Liberals, who opposed the 120 square meter size limit for second dwellings (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 15 September 2023; &lt;i&gt;RiotAct&lt;/i&gt;, 11 September 2023). Both said the changes provided for granny flats, a description Barr and Planning Minister Mick Gentleman rejected (&lt;i&gt;Canberra Times&lt;/i&gt;, 15 November 2023). The purpose of the size limit, the former said, was to ensure the new dwellings were affordable, wi","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 2","pages":"347-351"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12990","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141129668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Gaslighting Australia: The Instrumental Power of Australia's Mining and Energy Industries","authors":"John Mikler,&nbsp;Imogen Ryan","doi":"10.1111/ajph.12986","DOIUrl":"10.1111/ajph.12986","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Australia has been harshly criticised for inaction on climate change. Previous Australian governments adopted an adversarial stance to counter criticism, notably at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) 26th Conference of the Parties (COP26) in 2021. How had Australia come to be in this position? We demonstrate it was not through inaction, but proactive government support for the interests of the mining and energy industries. Applying a three faces of power framework, we identify the relations these industries have with government as the reason why support was provided. Crucially, we show that it is <i>not</i> their structural power due to controlling underlying economic relations that explains their power. It is their ability to instrumentally command public subsidies and policy support. The discourse around economic benefits, propounded by both government and the industries themselves, served as a “smokescreen” to hide this reality. Far from being too big to fail or indispensable, we conclude that it is more accurate to say that instrumental power was successfully deployed to produce policy protections and “rivers of gold” in public funding.</p>","PeriodicalId":45431,"journal":{"name":"Australian Journal of Politics and History","volume":"70 4","pages":"720-740"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2024-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/ajph.12986","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141011890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}