{"title":"Families, Private Property, and the State: The Dionnes and the Toronto Stork Derby","authors":"Mariana Valverde","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.15","url":null,"abstract":"In the middle of the Great Depression, a number of state institutions in Ontario (the legislature, the judiciary, the Attorney - General's office) felt called upon to administer two sets of \"problem\" families. One was the Dionnes, the other those competing in the Toronto Stork Derby. The former \"group\" was perceived by the Hepburn government as two distinct families: the Quintuplets on the one hand, and their five siblings and parents on the other. In 1934, the Ontario government declared itself the true parent of the newborn Quintuplets and made a complete physical as well as legal separation between them and their kin. Eventually the Quints were legally and physically reunited with the other Dionnes, at a time when their fame and fortune had in any case been rather exhausted, and control over their trust fund was no longer a source of wages to many retainers and of tourist revenue to the province. A close analysis of the government documents on the Dionne case reveals that the Quintuplets were not dealt with as children in need of state protection: the Children's Aid Society was not involved.(f.1) Rather, they were managed as natural resources or scenic wonders requiring nationalization. In other words, the guardianship of the five little girls had very little to do with child welfare or family policy; rather, it became an aspect of provincial economic policy. Just as the \"natural beauty\" of Niagara Falls has been sold to tourists and exploited by Ontario Hydro, so too the apparently priceless Quintuplets were economically exploited by their legal father, the government of Ontario.The unusual degree of government intervention in the Dionne case stands in contrast to the more laissez - faire position taken by the same government in another regulatory dilemma, namely the so - called Toronto Stork Derby of 1926 - 38. The Stork Derby was occasioned by an eccentric lawyer's will leaving a very large amount of money to the Toronto woman giving birth to the largest number of children over the subsequent 10 years. Immediately after the will was probated, in December of 1926, the Conservative government at Queen's Park attempted to declare the Stork Derby clause invalid on the grounds that it was \"disgusting\" and against the public interest. However a public outcry, mostly from women's groups, managed to reverse the government's decision: both Premier George Henry's government and the subsequent Hepburn government let the various mothers and other potential heirs fight the case out in the courts, with little political interference. The courts, concerned with safeguarding the principle of the autonomy of property owners, decided to uphold the will against the claims of distant relatives, but only after resolving tricky issues regarding the moral and legal status of both children and mothers.A comparison of these two cases raises some interesting questions about the role of the state in the administration of reproduction. The relationship between the stat","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"15-35"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"They Were Five: The Dionne Quintuplets Revisited","authors":"Cynthia Wright","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.5","url":null,"abstract":"When Pierre Berton published his bestselling account of The Dionne Years in 1977, many believed that the full tragic story of the Dionne Quintuplets had at last been told.(f.1) Heavily based on extensive oral interviews, and supplemented by archival and contemporary newspaper sources, Berton's book appeared so fully researched that very little popular or scholarly work on the Quints has been undertaken since its publication. Any new work, such as this collection of articles, must therefore begin by situating itself in relationship to The Dionne Years. What more remains of importance to say about the Quintuplets?The marking of the 60th anniversary of the 1934 birth of the Quints, together with the interest generated by the CBC/CBS television mini - series about their first years, Million Dollar Babies (1994), shows that the Dionne story continues to fascinate. Many of the themes identified by Berton in The Dionne Years are echoed in the publicity surrounding the mini - series. The astonishing commercial appeal of the Quints during the Depression years finds its counterpart in the advertising hoopla surrounding the production of Million Dollar Babies, and debate rages even now about who was most responsible -- the Ontario government, Oliva Dionne, or Dr. Dafoe -- for the tragedy of the Dionnes.(f.2)But the Dionne story has also taken on new meanings since the publication of The Dionne Years. In an era in which fertility drugs and reproductive technology have made multiple births appear ordinary, the story of the world's only identical quintuplets still excites attention because it raises complex issues of fatherhood, child custody and the role of the state -- all questions with contemporary resonance.This introduction takes Berton's book as a point of departure for re - examining the ways in which \"the Dionne story\" has been told. It will serve both to orient readers unfamiliar with the outlines of the narrative, and to bring into focus the new questions, approaches and interpretations developed in the articles which make up this special issue of the Journal of Canadian Studies/Revue d'etudes canadiennes. In essence, these articles make a threefold contribution: they present new archival evidence, offer new interpretations based on recent theory in the areas of gender, ethnicity and popular culture, and explore important aspects of the Quint story which have received little attention in The Dionne Years and elsewhere. In the second part of the introduction, a discussion of Quintland as a tourist site will further outline some of the complex issues -- state and medical power, Franco - Ontarian identity, and the construction of childhood/girlhood -- taken up elsewhere in the volume.Redrawing the Boundaries of \"The Dionne Story\"The Dionne Quintuplets -- Annette, Cecile, Emilie, Marie and Yvonne -- were born in a small farmhouse on May 28, 1934 near the French - Canadian village of Corbeil in northern Ontario. Elzire and Oliva Dionne, the Quints' paren","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"5-14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Raising the Dionne Quintuplets: Lessons for Modern Mothers","authors":"K. Arnup","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.65","url":null,"abstract":"When the Dionne Quintuplets were born on 28 May 1934, Canada was in the grips of the most severe economic depression in its history. Nearly a million Canadians were out of work, and hundreds of thousands more struggled to survive on drastically reduced incomes. The miracle of the Quintuplets' birth provided a welcome distraction from the harsh realities of the day. North Americans, and indeed people around the world, hungered for news of their activities and development. By 1943, an estimated three million people had made the pilgrimage north to Callander to view the girls at play.(f.1) For those not fortunate enough to see the girls in person, there was no shortage of information available. North Americans were bombarded with countless visual images of the girls. By 1936, some 672 American dailies with a total circulation of nearly 13 million carried photos of the girls taken by Fred Davis, their exclusive photographer. A Time magazine article called them \"the world's greatest newspicture story.\"(f.2) Full - page advertisements carried their endorsement of products ranging from Lysol Disinfectant to corn syrup, as products bearing their famous image spread across the department stores of the land.(f.3) Feature films were preceded by Pathe newsreel footage of their latest antics. In short, as Pierre Berton has noted, \"It was impossible to escape the Dionnes.\"(f.4) The public longed for any scrap of information, while advertisers, magazine editors and manufacturers were eager to take advantage of a sure - fire seller in a dismal economy.It was not just commercial enterprises that hoped to capitalize on the tremendous popularity of the Dionne Quintuplets. Medical and child - care experts also recognized the opportunity which they provided to promote the goals and methods of \"scientific child rearing.\" For the Quintuplets were born into a world not only hard - hit by economic catastrophe, but also ravaged by high rates of infant and maternal mortality. Efforts to combat the problem of infant mortality had begun in the early decades of the twentieth century, as recruitment for the armed forces had revealed the poor quality of the nation's health.(f.5) By 1919, the devastation caused by the First World War and by the Spanish influenza epidemic had elevated concerns about the health of the Canadian population to an issue of national importance.(f.6) Studies conducted on the twin problems of infant and maternal mortality all pointed in the same direction: \"maternal incompetence.\" Babies were dying because, apparently, their mothers did not know how to care for them properly. Dr. B. Atlee, a prominent obstetrician, reflected the attitude of leading medical experts of the day when, in a 1932 article in the Canadian Home Journal, he complained that \"The trouble is that the home today is the poorest run, most mismanaged and bungled of all human industries.... Many women running homes haven't even the fundamentals of house management and dietetics. They rais","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"65-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Why Tell This Parable? Some Ethical Reflections on the Dionne Quintuplets","authors":"I. Mckay","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.144","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural studies dlscovers the Dionne Quintuplets. Inevitable and welcome: what better Canadian illustration of the power of professional discourses, the logic of \"the gaze,\" the demarcation of the normal from the pathological? Quintland was Foucauldian theatre par excellence -- and although Michel Foucault is rarely mentioned in these articles, his spectre haunts almost all of them. Rather than merely adding new empirical material to Pierre Berton's 1977 account, these thoughtful articles suggest a new way of telling this story that unsettles all the old categories (even that of \"childhood\").Briefly and schematically, \"Dionnology\" has had three moments: an initial naive, heartfelt celebration, fed by their promoters and the state, and diffused through the newly refined arts of advertising, of the miracle of life and the cuteness of babies; a second - order liberal humanist, somewhat anti - modern historiography, discernibly echoing the politics of the 1960s, critical of the \"exploitation\" of the Quints and of the \"excesses\" of modern science, yet also reclaiming this experience for \"Canadian culture\"; and finally, this new skeptical school, turning its cool gaze on all those discourses and technologies of power through which the Dionne girls were transformed into \"the Quints.\" For these third - generation Dionnologists, the crucial task is the analysis of categories and disciplines: the Quints are reconceptualized as sites, on which were staged the manoeuvres of priests and politicians, clinicians and hucksters, doctors and nurses, not to mention rival ideals of class, gender, and ethnicity. And insofar as this new narrative undoubtedly captures much of what was surely the case, and does so in the most disturbing and interesting fashion, it marks a real advance. And yet...IIAnd yet, I'm left asking myself some simple (some might say simpleminded) questions. Why did this happen? Should it have happened? Why are we retelling this story today? These sound like silly questions because they bring to Dionnology explicitly ethical considerations. Historians are largely trained to treat ethical discussions as embarrassing outbreaks, like acne, to be remedied with the clear, refreshing balm of empiricism and common sense; cultural studies is even more hostile to formal ethics, mainly because a theoretical tradition so influenced by Foucault (and consequently by Nietzsche) is bound to question any universal, teleological, or even general framework of ethical reason as a holdover from the discredited narratives of humanism.(f.1)Even so, I'm surprised by the absence in this particular case of much overt ethical reasoning: it just calls out for it. Not to be confused with a simplistic hunt for heroes and villains (wisely avoided by everyone here), this process of reasoning rather would mean being clear about the ethical assumptions that ground research. Yet nobody talks directly about ethics in this issue (with the honourable exception of Mariana Valverde, w","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"144-152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Fictions of the Scientific Imagination: Researching the Dionne Quintuplets","authors":"Kari Dehli","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.86","url":null,"abstract":"Annette, Yvonne, Marie, Cecile and Emilie Dionne became the darlings of Canadian and North American popular culture in the 1930s. Media organizations eagerly cultivated and sought to satisfy the curiosity of millions of people with stories about the miracle babies. Newspaper readers, radio listeners and movie goers were supplied with facts and images representing almost every aspect of life in the Dionne nursery. The earliest Quintuplet lore to enter popular culture in the Thirties circulated romantic and dramatic tales of innocent children rescued from certain death by modern medicine, and of a benevolent state acting to rescue the five girls from the dangers of poverty, greed and ignorance. Popular accounts of the girls and the adults who surrounded them offered a drama of struggle, survival, heroism, happiness and romance. However, other and more contradictory and confusing stories soon began to appear. Theirs was not to be a fairy tale with an uncomplicated happy ending, nor was it a story where the cast of characters could easily be sorted into good and evil.In this paper I explore stories told by scientists about the Dionne Quintuplets. The five girls were subjected to intense and detailed scrutiny by a group of researchers working under the leadership of University of Toronto psychologist William E. Blatz. Between March 1935 and March 1938, Blatz exercised a major influence in the Dionne nursery. He hired, trained and supervised the young nurses and teachers who were responsible for applying scientific child - rearing methods to the Quintuplets. In addition to coordinating research and teaching, he also influenced the remodeling of the Dafoe Hospital buildings and grounds, where the five girls spent all their time during this three - year period. Initially built as a hospital, Blatz aimed to turn it into a more school - like environment. Thus rooms and furniture in the nursery incorporated many features from the St. George School for Child Study at the University of Toronto, where Blatz was the director. He also oversaw the design of a circular public viewing gallery and one - way screens to resemble those used in psychological observation rooms. Here the Quintuplets were put on daily display for thousands of tourists flocking to Callander to see the \"miracle babies.\"(f.1)At first the scientists were interested in the physical survival and healthof the Quintuplets. As the girls miraculously lived through the first few days and weeks, however, psychologists and educators, as well as zoologists, biologists, forensic scientists and dentists began to vie for an opportunity to study them for other reasons. Many scientists had great expectations that these babies -- the only surviving set of identical quintuplets in an age before fertility treatments -- offered opportunities to discover new truths (or affirm old ones) about human nature and growth, or to demonstrate the efficacy of modern child - rearing methods and educational practices. Blatz'","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"86-110"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69364335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"In Memoriam: William E. Taylor","authors":"J. Wadland","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"3-4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363990","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"NAFTA in Transition","authors":"S. Randall, H. W. Konrad","doi":"10.2307/j.ctv6gqs6h","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv6gqs6h","url":null,"abstract":"In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that \"the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another.\" Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the \"Nixon shock\" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about \"profound shifts\" and \"redefinitions\" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a \"boundary problem\" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) \"McWofid,\"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the \"West,\" thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoti","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"32 1","pages":"168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68819170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Dionne Quintuplets: More Than an Ontario Showpiece — Five Franco-Ontarian Children","authors":"D. Welch","doi":"10.3138/JCS.29.4.36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3138/JCS.29.4.36","url":null,"abstract":"The story of the Dionne Quintuplets has been told many times over the past 50 years. Writers have told us about the way they lived, the food they ate, their relationships with their family and the provincial guardians they had and, perhaps most often, the interaction they had with Dr. Roy Dafoe. What most of these stories have failed to do, except in a passing fashion, has been to place the Quintuplets in the context of their own evolving ethnocultural community -- French - Canadian or Franco - Ontarian society in the Ontario of the 1930s and 1940s.(f.1)This article seeks, first of all, to study the Quintuplets as members of a specific community with its own history and contradictions. It is hoped that, by placing the community at the centre of the story and within its own history, we can better understand how the family interacted with the larger French - Canadian community and how the community in turn responded to the reality of the Quints.(f.2) Second, I hope to demonstrate that the Franco - Ontarian community was not monolithic in its reaction to the birth of the Quints. Not only did conditions and opinions affecting the family continually change, but the community was fragmented along class, gender and regional lines. This led to important differences in community responses.The purpose here is not to consider the many events in the struggle of the Dionne family to regain custody of the Quints. Rather, the focus will be on four examples that illuminate the forms of interaction between the Dionne family and the French - Canadian community. First, the role and motivation of the local parish priest in encouraging Oliva Dionne to \"exhibit\" the Quints in Chicago soon after their birth in 1934 will be discussed. Second, the greater involvement of the French - Canadian community, especially women's groups, after the Dionne Quintuplets' Guardianship Act was passed in March 1935, will be studied. Third, and in far greater detail, the active involvement of the Franco - Ontarian leadership, both male and female, in the events surrounding the firing of the French - Canadian nurse and teacher in early 1938 will be studied. Finally, we will show how, in 1941, the Dionne Quintuplets ceased to be merely objects, and began instead to affirm their own sense of their French - Canadian identity -- a development that led to a backlash in English - speaking communities in both Canada and the United StatesThe context and events surrounding the Quints will be studied principally from a French - Canadian viewpoint. The English - Canadian viewpoint on the various questions will be de - emphasized, since that perspective has tended to dominate discusssions regarding the Dionne Quintuplets over the past years, with French - Canadians being portrayed primarily as passive players simply reacting to various situations.Turn - of - the - Century Northeastern OntarioIt was the building of the Canadian Pacific Railway in 1882 - 83 through northeastern Ontario that permitted t","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"36-64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69363993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"[Art & Work: A Social History of Labour in the Canadian Graphic Arts Industry to the 1940s]","authors":"Angela E. Davis, J. Hull","doi":"10.2307/25143991","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/25143991","url":null,"abstract":"For nearly a generation now, Canadian labour history has gone beyond a simple identification of its task with the writing of the labour union history. The landmarks of the latter have long been familiar to all students of Canadian history: the 1872 legalization of trade unions, the Berlin Conference, IDIA, Winnipeg General Strike, PC 1003 and the Rand formula. To this list will likely be added the recent trend away from international unions marked by the creation of the Canadian Auto Workers (CAW). But it has been Braverman and not Harold Logan from whom labour historians have taken their marching orders.(f.1) Labour history has very much become working class history.The core of the discipline, like Caesar's Gaul, has been composed of three unequal-sized parts. The largest embraces studies of workplace control, the contested terrain of industrial capitalism. Drawing on the seminal work of Braverman, writers such as Radforth, Heron and the authors of the outstanding On the Job collection have given us a wealth of case studies on the work experience in a broad variety of settings.(f.2) The issue of skill has in particular been well explored, moving beyond simplistic models of de-skilling to more sophisticated understandings of the impact of new technologies and managerial strategies on the control of production at the shop floor level. Working-class culture forms the second part of labour history's core. Palmer, Fingard and many others have helped us to understand the lives of past workers within and beyond the workplace and how gender, ethnicity and other factors have textured those lives.(f.3) Finally, a minority of labour historians has continued to find the political history of labour to be of interest.(f.4) These three approaches can be seen together in one of the field's exemplary works, Kealey's well regarded Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism.(f.5)While these developments place Canadian labour history in the mainstream of contemporary English-language labour historiography, finding uniquely Canadian aspects of the country's labour history has been more problematic. In his review essay on American labour history, Nellis challenged practitioners of that specialty to show how their work impinged on or was impinged upon by other debates and broader themes in national history.(f.6) A similar gauntlet could be thrown down on this side of the line. Kealey's own identification of continental economic integration and regional identities and federalism as \"account[ing] for that national uniqueness of the historical experience of our working class\"(f.7) has not been pursued. Pentland's ambitious thesis, though admired, has not defined overall chronological developments in a clear analytical framework;(f.8) thus Leir's recent regret over the lack of theory in the writing of labour history.(f.9) Perhaps the most promising candidate for an approach to this problem is national comparison. Similarities and contrasts with the United States are","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"194 1","pages":"195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/25143991","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68816048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"His Majesty's Indian Allies: British Indian Policy in the Defence of Canada, 1774-1815 // Review","authors":"R. Allen","doi":"10.5860/choice.31-0499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5860/choice.31-0499","url":null,"abstract":"Historians have long - known that the American Revolution created Canada in a political sense as surely as it created the United States. Consequently any work that changes our understanding of the Loyalists, or of the way political ideas were formed in the revolutionary and post - revolutionary era, is of fundamental importance. These five quite different yet superb books provide interesting perspectives on the Loyalists, and on the way Loyalist Canadians saw their politics. To begin with, patriarchal values loomed large in Loyalist thought as it emerged after 1785. Historians, not recognizing this, have misread the history of Loyalism, perpetuated gender stereotypes and misconstrued an important thread in our understanding of political culture in Canada. As Janice Potter - MacKinnon convincingly demonstrates, Loyalist ideology was defined in exile, complete with short - term objectives and deliberate misrepresentation.Potter - MacKinnon wonders why women have been disadvantaged and ignored in the historiography of the Loyalists. Loyalist women played key roles in the decisions of families to become Loyalist. Often, they ran the family farms and businesses when husbands had to leave suddenly to avoid capture by the Patriots. During these periods the contributions of these women were recognized as valuable by their families, by the British authorities and by the American Patriots.Within the patriarchal conventions of the eighteenth century, women were treated as extensions of their husbands. While this was also true for Patriot women, it was at least possible to create legends around women who advanced the Patriot cause. For one thing, revolutionary rhetoric, unlike Loyalist rhetoric, lent itself to a loosening of the prevailing paternalism.For Loyalist women, the war tightened patriarchal values. In the early stages of the war, women could be independent as long as they remained where they were. Where they were, however, was increasingly behind the lines in a bitter civil war, open to abuse and mistreatment by their neighbours, especially if they were easily labelled as traitors. They lacked legal guarantees to their rights or properties; aside from dower rights, land and chattel were considered the property of their husbands. If the husband had left, or if he were considered an enemy, his property could be confiscated even while his wife and children occupied it.There was pressure on Loyalist women to leave, even at great sacrifice. However, in leaving they lost any semblance of independence. They often required permission from local committees of vigilance. Then, they needed aid and assistance from Indian and military guides to reach husbands stationed in military forts or in refugee camps. In these forts and camps, they were only significant as spouses; they were treated as dependents and as burdens. Now weak and dependent, they sought compensation for very real sacrifices from a British government only interested in helping those with militar","PeriodicalId":45057,"journal":{"name":"JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES","volume":"29 1","pages":"163"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"1994-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71043381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}