Strategic Analysis最新文献

{"title":"Sovereign Attachments: Masculinity, Muslimness, and Affective Politics in Pakistan","authors":"Muneeb Yousuf","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","url":null,"abstract":"A sserting sovereignty across its territories remains the primary purpose of the modern State. There exist two kinds of sovereignties: legal sovereignty and de facto sovereignty. While legal sovereignty encompasses the formal ideologies of rule and legality, de facto sovereignty includes the actual ability to kill, punish, and discipline a specific fragment of society or a section of it. Non-State actors can also perform the latter deeds. In the context of de facto sovereignty, the post-colonial State of Pakistan offers a distinctive understanding of the enmeshment of ‘multiple sovereignties’––ranging from militant and tribal groups to America’s drone strikes within its territories. Both the Pakistani State and non-State actors, such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), indulge in violence as an expression of claiming their sovereignty and control over the life and death of the people in Pakistan. Besides this, the claimants to sovereignty fight through other means, although not necessarily in a violent manner with a sole purpose of cultivating sovereign attachments. The TTP, an amalgam of several Pakistan-based militant groups, was formed in 2007 and ever since has not only resorted to violence but also used old and new media and information and communication technology to project the Pakistani State and military as un-Islamic. Shenila Khoja-Moolji’s Sovereign Attachments studies print and online contents including videos, songs, magazine articles, and essays of both the Pakistani State and the TTP. The book argues that through these cultural productions both are trying to capture the attention of the same sets of religiously inclined people to prove their Islamic credentials. The TTP’s invoking of Khilafat in their magazines is done with a specific purpose— that of arousing past Muslim glory and reproducing such political order, for which they conceive themselves as ‘chosen’ by God, and also with the aim of fostering ambivalence towards the State of Pakistan (p.14). For the TTP, sovereignty belongs exclusively to Allah and this belief sharply opposes the State’s sovereignty. In the public relations production of the Pakistani Army, Khoja-Moolji argues that mourning mothers of slain soldiers are cast in a manner so as to generate reattachment to the State. A blend of Islam and masculinity that Khoja-Moolji terms Islamo-masculinity occurs as a dominant conception through which the Pakistani State and the TTP Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 180–182, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"180 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49212210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"India’s Space Policy and Counter-Space Capabilities","authors":"Anushka Saxena","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2191238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191238","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract As contestation in outer space has evolved into increased militarization since the Cold War era, multiple stakeholders have come to play a significant role in shaping the international regime governing activities of State and non-State actors in outer space. India has interacted with this international regime in a dynamic manner, and currently contributes about 2 per cent to the US$ 360 billion global space industry. Its own security compulsions in outer space are shaped by its national interests vis-a-vis data collection, C4ISR, satellite communications, and of course, deterrence against the rising military might of hostile countries in its neighbourhood—China and Pakistan. In this light, this article looks at the potential of India’s domestic material and policy-based space architecture, including the functioning of ISRO and its collaboration with the private sector, as well as India’s current space-based assets and ASAT capabilities. On the basis of this assessment of India’s current institutional and infrastructural assets for outer space, the article also attempts to chart a trajectory forward for India’s space policy and counter-space capabilities.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"146 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43807602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power","authors":"Anubhav Gupta","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","url":null,"abstract":"T he defining feature of contemporary international politics is the global power struggle taking place at the intersection of technology and geopolitics. This power struggle has given way to a new ‘tech cold war’ between the United States and China. While the United States remains at the forefront of technological innovations, China has through decades of investment in gaining technological knowhow—at times through questionable means as well as through research and development—begun to compete with the best in the world. The quest for technological innovation and gaining an edge over competitors, however, does not remain confined to the United States and China, as other big and middle powers too have indulged in the struggle for acquiring advance technology both through technology transfer and innovation. There is a growing set of literature, coming especially from the United States, that tends to project this quest for technological superiority into the Cold War paradigm of bloc politics and struggle between democracies and authoritarian States for upholding the liberal international order. Jacob Helberg’s The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power is one such work that divides the world into the two camps focused on a rather self-fulfilling prophecy of a tech cold war. Helberg’s book essentially revolves around two competing narratives around technology: one, the United States’ liberal democratic narrative; and the other of the China–Russia authoritarian narrative. According to the author, the authoritarian techno bloc, which is characterised by opaqueness, centralisation, technology-based mass surveillance, State-sponsored attacks on democratic political systems and disinformation warfare, is an existential threat to the liberal democracies and the liberal international order. Helberg argues that today there is a war happening between liberal democracies and authoritarian States. This war is not a direct/hot war but an ambiguous, asymmetrical, indirect ‘grey’ war. He explains this grey war taking place at two levels; one is the battle for data and information including software, and the other is the quest for hardware and technological infrastructure like undersea cables and so on (p.19). Although the idea of a ‘grey war’ is not new and has been part of military strategies for a long time, it was a key feature of the Cold War period wherein the Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 177–179, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"177 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46217139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Subcontinental Drift: Domestic Politics and India’s Foreign Policy","authors":"Anuttama Banerji","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2190617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190617","url":null,"abstract":"T he International Relations scholarship in India has rarely paid heed to domestic politics as a variable in foreign policy analysis. Most such attempts have focused on anecdotal discussions; this is mainly to do with the securitised nature of the foreign policy discourse in India. Even in cases where the scholarship has tried to engage with domestic determinants, the focus has been on relations with, or policy towards, specific States or they are treatises on the contribution of statesmen. Consequently, other internal factors that have potentially influenced Indian foreign policy have received scant attention. This is where Rajesh Basrur’s Subcontinental Drift stands apart and reframes ‘a version of realism’, acknowledging ‘the importance of structure of the international system’ and incorporating domestic politics as a determinant of Indian policy-making (p.13). As a neorealist, Basrur introduces the ‘moral dimension’ as an intervening variable in his assessment (p.20) and endorses the view that ‘suboptimal outcomes are more likely under normal conditions, whereas structurally driven policy responses are the norm when the security threats are high’ (p.195). Basrur argues that ‘the problem of political uncertainty has been India’s constant companion’ (p.3), which he calls ‘subcontinental drift’ and classifies as voluntary and involuntary. The notion of involuntary drift is explained as a political scenario in which limited control is exercised by the political leadership due to the intervention of domestic players. He gives the example of relations with the United States and Sri Lanka to explain how domestic factors in both cases hindered or acted as material constraints on policy-making. For instance, Basrur notes, the ‘inordinate influence’ of smaller and regional parties in ‘hindering policy makers’ pursuit of security objectives’ in both cases (p.105). In this vein, Basrur traces the historical growth of India–US bilateral relations and argues that India is now a critical partner of the United States from being just an ‘obdurate proliferator of nuclear weapons’ (p.42). He notes that the shift in semantics occurred due to the growth of an encompassing security partnership that began with the Kicklighter proposals in 1991 that ‘recommended strategic dialogue, training and other exchanges between the two militaries’ (p.50) and reached a crucial juncture with the signing of the Indo-US nuclear deal in 2005. Basrur has Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 183–185, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190617","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"183 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42237780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Indian Test and the Nuclear Game Rules","authors":"A. Kapur","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2203587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2203587","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction I t is possible to argue that India’s nuclear strategy seems to have changed, but this does not necessarily at present mean a change in the fundamentals of India’s nuclear policy as these were outlined in the late 1940s and the 1950s. The nuclear test appears to have damaged the NPT, and the test implies a re-orientation in India’s relations with China and the Super Powers. One may speculate about the effect of the test on Asian politics and suggest an emerging relationship—a broadening of the security dialogue—between SALT and NPT approaches to security. The premises in this argument are as follows: (i) SALT II, like SALT I, is not likely to cut deeply into the arm race and (ii) the Soviet American and the Sino-Soviet balances are stable, i.e. the conflicts are manageable. Given their premises, there are likely to be growing challenges against Super Poweroriented approaches to security by third parties like India. For instance, India does not think that the nuclear business is the exclusive privilege of the advanced industrialized States. In other words, political and commercial motives are also coming into the foreground. In the 1960s the arm control dialogue was not in fact shaped by disarmament ideals—although governments spoke the language of disarmament. Today, as in the 1960s, arms control deals essentially with security concerns but in the 1970s, ‘security’ emphasizes, or makes explicit, the political motives.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"202 - 209"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41332873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Indian Nuclear Test in a Global Perspective","authors":"K. Subrahmanyam","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2203076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2203076","url":null,"abstract":"T he Pokhran test carried out by the Indian Atomic Energy Commission on 18 May 1974, by and large, evoked predictable reactions. Those countries that had come to accept the conventional wisdom on the issue of nuclear proliferation expressed regrets ranging from mild to profound. Some Third World countries expressed satisfaction but Pakistan reacted very strongly. The Indian Government’s declaration that the test was part of a series to exploit nuclear explosive technology and that India did not intend to manufacture nuclear weapons was accepted by many governments, while others expressed varying kinds of reservations about it. Within the country, we were proud of the achievements of our scientific and technological community and angry at what we considered to be double standards of those who muted their protests about the tests of the five nuclear weapon powers but came out loud against the safe and well-contained test at Pokhran. Since then, the declaration that this country does not intend to manufacture weapons has been repeated in many forums, both inside and outside the country. At the same time, India’s right to conduct peaceful underground explosions for developing technology has been reasserted and it has been pointed out that this country did not break any treaty but had reserved the right to carry out these explosions since 1967, when it had protested against the prohibition of such peaceful explosions under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. This was one of the reasons why India abstained from that treaty. It has been highlighted that in the matter of development of nuclear energy, India had a long and independent tradition and had taken a long-range view about the future developments in the constructive uses of nuclear energy. As early as 12 March 1944, Dr Homi Jehangir Bhabha, in a letter written to the Sir Dorabji Tata Trust proposing the setting up of an institute for fundamental research, prophesied: ‘When nuclear energy has been successfully applied for power production, in say, a couple of decades from now, India will not have to look abroad for its experts but will find them ready at hand’. India was among the first eight countries where an Atomic Energy Commission was set up. In the first Atoms for Peace Conference in Geneva, Dr Bhabha predicted the coming in of fusion power in the next two to three decades. In Asia, India set up its first research reactor, Apsara, in 1956 ahead of China and Japan. Similarly, the first plutonium separation facility outside the nuclear weapons States was also established in India entirely through indigenous efforts. India also formulated a long-term three-stage strategy for the development of nuclear","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"186 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44500273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Historic 7 March 1971 Speech of Bangabandhu*","authors":"Sheikh Mujibur Rahman","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2234150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2234150","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"210 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49160740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Innovate to Dominate: The Rise of the Chinese Techno-Security State","authors":"Laxman Kumar Behera","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2176060","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2176060","url":null,"abstract":"T he outcome of the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, held in October 2022, was on predictable lines. It was no surprise that President Xi Jinping was chosen CPC supremo for an unprecedented third time, defying the two-term limit set by Deng Xiaoping to prevent a single person from gaining absolute and autocratic power like Mao Zedong. Xi, considered the most powerful leader in China since Mao, is determined to put China on the ‘rejuvenation’ path and attain superpower status for the Middle Kingdom by mid-century. What approach has Xi adopted to fulfil his ambitions of transforming China into a major economic, technological and military superpower? Will he succeed and what are the obstacles going forward? What does it mean for the existing international order that is still dominated by the US? Simply, what kind of China is Xi building? Tai Ming Cheung’s, Innovate to Dominate: The Rise of the Chinese TechnoSecurity State examines these pertinent questions and argues that Xi is transforming China into a techno-security State, where the interests of national security, economic development and innovation converge. Tai, an accomplished scholar of China’s strategic innovation and military affairs, opens his exploration by defining a technosecurity State to conceptualize the nature of Xi’s China and to differentiate it from other techno-security States, particularly the US. He defines a techno-security State as an ‘innovation-centred, security maximizing regime that prioritizes the building of technological, defence and national security capabilities to meet expansive national security requirements based on heightened threat perceptions and the powerful influence of domestic pro-security coalitions’ (pp. 2–3). The author then examines Xi’s efforts in building a techno-security State and identifies five key components: 1) creation of a national security State; 2) innovation-driven development strategy; 3) military strengthening; 4) military-civilian fusion; and 5) economic securitization. Like several noted books in recent times—such as Susan L. Shirk’s Overreach: How China Derailed its Peaceful Rise and Elizabeth C. Economy’s The World According to China—Tai’s book eloquently explains that Xi’s China is intensely focused on security than any other leader prior to him, since Deng downplayed it in favour of economic development. From Xi’s worldview, China faces grave dangers from both internal and external sources and to thwart them, the People’s Republic Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 1, 79–81, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2176060","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"79 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44219810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The International System: Economic and Science and Technological Perspectives","authors":"S. Varma","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2188530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2188530","url":null,"abstract":"I T wo phenomenal developments characterized the change in the international system in the years after the Second World War: (i) the spread of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) and (ii) the rise of a Third World, with its pluralization of political systems, economic forms and social doctrines. While the former is an important factor in the North–South relationship, the latter development has brought about new changes in the international economic system. While not exercising any direct political power, the MNCs are economic giants, mostly belonging to the United States. The emergence of more than 500 MNCs has drastically changed the character of the international system, and while academics continue to discuss whether they are benevolent giants engaged in the task of abolishing poverty and creating a world community, or parasites preying upon the life-blood of the host country, they are spreading their economic tentacles. The MNCs have become the dominant actors in the international system, and several of them today exercise more collective influence than most of the nation states. However, it would be incorrect to regard American MNCs as a tool of American imperialism. They are quite capable of undertaking policies independently of the US Government. Nor are the MNCs completely independent actors, capable of pursuing objectives incompatible with the US national interest. The US Government and the American MNCs function independently of each other, though occasionally the former adopts policies and positions in the field of international relations, which suit the interests of MNCs. In spite of a plurality of States replacing bipolarity in the political field, economic power continues to emanate from the United States. While the socialist countries have been able to resist political and military pressures, including the nuclear might of the United States, they seem to have willingly accepted the economic influence of the multinationals. The Cold War has been replaced by détente in the political field, and cooperation between the two Super Powers is more pronounced in the economic field. The extensive trade agreements signed between the United States and the From the Archives","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"104 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47043272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Let My People Know: The Incredible Story of Middle East Peace—and What Lies Ahead","authors":"B. Poornima","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2176061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2176061","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"89 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48673730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}