Colonial Latin American Review最新文献

{"title":"The Virgin and the land surveyor: Andean pueblo boundary making in the Highlands of late colonial Ecuador","authors":"A. Dueñas","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104032","url":null,"abstract":"On 10 October 1768, a group of 26 Machachi Indians, Spanish o ffi cials, landowners and other witnesses climbed together an Andean foothill to participate in a vista de ojos , a colonial walkabout ritual that intended to verify and rectify Andean-Spanish boundaries to settle a land dispute. This walkabout was especially signi fi cant because it followed tumultuous events in which the Machachi ‘ llactaios ’ rioted against judicial o ffi cials, shouted Quechua admonitions, and, ultimately, sabotaged legal procedures. 1 The llactaios intuited the land survey taking place would harm the community, since Joseph de Carcelén, the Spanish landowner behind it, claimed a portion of their lands as his. The Machachi land dispute brings to the forefront of cultural and legal history the manipulation of symbolic representations, images and maps, by Spanish and Andean claimants alike in an under-studied region. I argue that vistas de ojos, land surveys or mensuras and the use of legal cartography instituted a colonial mediation between Indians and the space of the pueblos de indios that accelerated the privatization of Andean communal space. Although Spanish and Andean claimants shared a variety of ways to prove possession, the Machachi Indians shaped such mediation with their own ritualization of possession, which they positioned in dialogue with Spanish law. Andeans created ‘ legal arguments ’ out of deploying religious symbols of land possession in the landscape, mobilizing images and displacing themselves across the disputed space. They also intended to contour Spanish land maps with their own cartographical discussions and demands for rectifying the legal procedures that constructed and de-con-structed their communal space. This case broadens our understanding of the co-creation of colonial legality by Andeans and Spaniards, particularly in the transforma-tional process of privatization of communal lands and in locations peripheral to the centers of Spanish power. This co-creation also speaks to the pluralistic and complex structure of Spanish imperial law (legal sources and expressions of possession). 2 Andeanists have largely approached the change of indigenous land tenure practices","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43067393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Japanese objects in New Spain: nanban art and beyond","authors":"Sonia I. Ocaña Ruiz, Rie Arimura","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104033","url":null,"abstract":"Between the 1550s and 1650s, Japan, Portugal and Spanish America played a leading role in artistic globalization, which led to the wide circulation of Japanese objects, both in the Iberian Peninsula and in Spanish America. Between 1544 and 1571, Portuguese merchants and Jesuits established trading ports in Goa, Macau and Nagasaki, creating an intra-Asian network. In 1565, the Spanish settlement in Cebu, as well as the discovery of the return route across the Pacific, coincided with the fact that the Ming dynasty loosened its ban on maritime trade in 1567, allowing Chinese merchants to engage in commercial activity. The Spanish trade route between Manila and Acapulco was launched in 1573. Once the port of Nagasaki was open to trade exchange with Portugal in 1571, ‘The Portuguese became essential agents in the trade between China, Japan, and India, on one hand, and the Philippines, on the other’ (GaschTomás 2019, 58). In turn, material evidence and documents testify to the circulation, consumption, and adaptation of Asian commodities in the Americas, whose role in these processes has long been underestimated. Dobado (2014) and Gasch-Tomás (2019) are among the recent scholars who have demonstrated New Spain’s central position in the making of connections between the Spanish Empire and Asia during the late sixteenth to early seventeenth centuries. This led to the ‘greater commoditisation of Asian goods in the viceroyalty of New Spain than in Castile’ from 1580 to 1630 (Gasch-Tomás 2019, 42). But even into the eighteenth century, a large number of Japanese porcelain pieces circulated in New Spain, proof that Japanese-Spanish American artistic relations were complex throughout the colonial period. In 1614, the shogunate banned Christianity and expelled Catholics from Japan, closing itself off in 1639, yet leaving some ports open to international trade. Under these conditions, how did Japanese goods continue to circulate in the Americas after 1640? They must have been transported by Manila-Acapulco galleons. But since neither the Portuguese nor the Spanish could land in Japanese territories, it is possible to propose different routes: 1) the Dutch transported commodities to Batavia, and then Chinese merchants took them to Manila; 2) Chinese traders carried Japanese goods from","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47886034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From hunters to hell hounds: the dogs of Columbus and transformations of the human-canine relationship in the early Spanish Caribbean","authors":"J. Ensminger","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104035","url":null,"abstract":"Christopher Columbus first used dogs for military purposes in the NewWorld during his second voyage, a war technology that continued to be employed by the conquistadors for more than a century. John and Jeannette Varner, authors of the comprehensive history Dogs of the Conquest, which surveys the military and administrative use of war dogs in the New World, argued that the dogs were brought on the second voyage because the cleric in charge of provisioning the seventeen ships, Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca (‘Fonseca,’ 1451–1524), realized that to obtain the cooperation of Indigenous people, a level of coercion would be necessary. They support this supposition by describing the dogs of the second voyage as mastiffs and greyhounds, and the dogs that Columbus used at the Battle of Vega Real in March 1495 as mastiffs (Varner and Varner 1983, xiv, 4, 8). Were they correct in this description of the breeds involved, it might be difficult to dispute their logic concerning Fonseca’s motive, but the dogs at Vega Real were described as lebreles, greyhounds or sighthounds, not mastines, mastiffs, and there is little reason to think that a large number of mastiffs would have been considered essential in Hispaniola when Columbus’s second fleet was provisioned. The ships carried livestock but most of these would have been preserved to establish self-sustaining herds before harvesting to feed the human population (Las Casas 1875–1876, 2:2, 3). Versatile hunting dogs could help supply meat.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43514970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Foreword","authors":"Dana Leibsohn","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104031","url":null,"abstract":"From its earliest days, in the 1990s, Colonial Latin American Review sought to publish a wide variety of perspectives. Eschewing prescriptions and proscriptions, Fred Luciani described the journal’s ambition as endeavoring ‘to represent the broadest possible range of scholarship on colonial Latin America.’ Even a quick scan of back issues reveals how seriously the Editorial Board took this charge, cultivating disciplinary, geographic and methodological diversity. At the Taylor & Francis website, it is possible to see the number-of-views per article: while such accounting says precious little about how many people have actually read a CLAR essay from start to finish or mulled its arguments, the numbers show that all the genres of scholarship published in CLAR have their fans. Visual culture, literary practices, and historical projects all have piqued readers’ curiosities. No less importantly, the journal has been unwavering in its commitment to publish the work of scholars just finding their footing along with that written by those who have been walking through the field for decades. This, too, represents a kind of breadth. Nevertheless, as CLAR has participated in—and reshaped—discussions in colonial Latin American studies over the last thirty years, certain themes and geographies have come to the fore. For instance, reading through the backlist I see that the journal has contributed more emphatically to debates about Indigeneity than Blackness; it has developed histories of New Spain and the Andes most often, and it has discussed land and politics more intently than waterways or performance. Gender, too, has been a constant theme. Let me be clear, impressive articles that address Black histories or theatrical works have appeared (and, I hope, will continue to appear) in CLAR. Yet these are arenas where the journal has not yet made its most consistent interventions. This, I suspect, has much to do with approaches to colonialism in Latin America that have held sway through 1990s and early 2000s. The same might well be said of trans-Pacific histories and animal studies, environmental histories and studies of orality and sound—all of which have surfaced in CLAR, but not more frequently than trans-Atlantic histories, human-centered histories or studies of writing, mapping and texts. Every academic journal has its patterns, its editorial leanings, its scholarly predilections. And no journal, no matter how willing to embrace heterogeneity, can address everything. What interests me most, as CLAR enters its 30th year, is what leading interdisciplinary scholarship on colonialism and Latin America could look like. Submissions to the journal are healthy—in number and in seriousness of purpose— yet I see challenges on the nearhorizon that implicate all of us who work at the intersection of the humanities and the social sciences. These include the viability of traditional peer-review and current economic models for open-access publishing. Relatedly and, at le","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43546821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Marvels of medicine: literature and scientific enquiry in early colonial Spanish America","authors":"W. Eamon","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104046","url":null,"abstract":"for enslaved Africans in New Spain through the long seventeenth century. Moving south, Rachel O’Toole’s chapter details how crucial enslaved and free people of color were to the functioning of the Pacific slave trade between Panama and Peru, including while working as enslaved mariners. Alex Borucki then details the intricacies of inter-imperial trade, between the Portuguese and Spanish in the Río de la Plata, thereby revealing the influence of the coastal trade from Brazil. One of the phenomena sketched in the chapter by David Eltis and Jorge Felipe González, in their analysis of trade to Cuba, was the concomitant increase in the free black population in Cuba even as the enslaved population grew so rapidly in the nineteenth century. Building upon González’s work on Cuban slaving activities and networks, Elena Schneider focuses on various routes to enslavement in Cuba in the eighteenth century and our understandings of ‘creole’ in the context of inter-colonial trade. The concluding chapter by Emily Berquist Soule presents a counterpoint that traces out the long, but generally muted, and ultimately unsuccessful Catholic intellectual Spanish antislavery and abolitionist impulse. Each of these chapters carries documentary gems that elaborate upon the lived experiences of Africans and their descendants in the colonies such as Smith’s account of Antonio Martinez, the enslaved man from Mozambique, forced across the Indian and Pacific Oceans to disembark at the port of Acapulco and finally sold in Antequera. The painstaking work by these authors tells stories of the Slave Trade and encounters of enslavement that have too often remained muffled in the colonial historiography. They argue convincingly for a continuing reassessment of the participation of Spain in the slave trade, of the impact of the trade on the Spanish empire, and the power of those more than 2.7 million Africans and their innumerable descendants, enslaved and free, in shaping the Spanish colonial world itself.","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46786758","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Un cursus honorum entre dos mundos: los magistrados borbónicos del gobierno de Indias (1701–1808)","authors":"Philippe Castejón","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104039","url":null,"abstract":"El 30 de noviembre de 1783, el Secretario de Estado y Gobernador del Consejo de Indias, José de Gálvez, distribuyó a los miembros del Consejo en cada una de sus salas. Más de la mitad de aquellos magistrados compartían la experiencia común de haber sido jueces en alguna Audiencia americana. Para un observador como el conde de Aranda, que como ex-Presidente del Consejo de Castilla era buen conocedor del funcionamiento del gobierno de la monarquía católica, la experiencia ultramarina tenía que ser un requisito para ser consejero de Indias. No obstante, hasta el reinado de Carlos III (1759–1788) esta condición previa nunca se había requerido. Algunas figuras, como la del jurista Juan de Solórzano Pereira (1575– 1655), que había sido oidor de la Audiencia de Lima durante más de dieciséis años antes de ser promovido al Consejo de Indias (García Hernán 2007), incluso alteran nuestra percepción, por haberse valorado, en su caso, la importancia de la experiencia ultramarina. Así pues, desde la creación del Consejo de Indias en 1524 hasta 1700, pocos magistrados habían estado en América. El 90% de los fiscales y consejeros togados y la gran mayoría de los consejeros de capa y espada y oidores de la Casa de la Contratación solo tenían un conocimiento libresco del imperio. La consecuencia de esta reducida movilidad profesional era que estas tres carreras (Consejo de Indias, Casa de la Contratación y Audiencias de América y Filipinas) estuvieron en gran medida desconectadas entre sí durante dos siglos. A diferencia del imperio portugués durante los siglos XVII y XVIII (Camarinhas 2012, 51), en la monarquía católica no se valoró hasta 1700 la experiencia ultramarina para ser consejero de Indias. El siglo XVIII fue el punto de inflexión que vio transformarse la carrera de los magistrados del gobierno de Indias, cambios que estuvieron vigentes hasta las independencias hispanoamericanas. El historiador estadounidense Mark Burkholder fue el primero en darse cuenta de que bajo el reinado de Carlos III ocurrieron profundas modificaciones en relación con este asunto. Burkholder se enfocó sobre el giro que sucedió en 1773, cuando el Consejo de Indias se transformó en un ‘tribunal de término’ (final de carrera) al igual que el de Castilla. Para él, una de las consecuencias de esta nueva configuración dentro del aparato de gobierno fue la triplicación del número de consejeros con experiencia americana y el reforzamiento del Consejo de Indias (Burkholder 1976, 415, 422). La reforma de 1773 no fue un punto de partida sino una etapa de un proceso más amplio de transformación del gobierno de Indias. Planteamos que este proceso","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41589583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Polemics, literature, and knowledge in eighteenth-century Mexico. A new world for the Republic of Letters","authors":"B. Hamnett","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2036025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2036025","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42518143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From the galleons to the Highlands: slave trade routes in the Spanish Americas","authors":"R. S. France","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104045","url":null,"abstract":"This long-anticipated collection sets the groundwork for the continuing re fi nement of the history of Africans and their descendants in the Atlantic World and more speci fi cally within the Spanish empire. The methodologies and analyses gathered in conversation in From the galleons to the Highlands o ff er a rich example of the power of collaborative historical networks. These authors tackle the historiographies of the Atlantic World, the Transatlantic Slave Trade, and the histories of speci fi c Spanish colonies in America. They skillfully traverse the breadth of Spanish America in time and space to o ff er a compelling framework for under-standing the detailed functioning of the slave trade and its reach into the varied histories of the Spanish colonies. This research highlights the crucial import of evidence-based demo-graphic projections emerging from the often-shifting patterns of trade networks, while sim-ultaneously arguing for the equally signi fi cant relevance of enslaved and free Africans ’ individual and collective experiences in the making of the Spanish colonial world. The volume ’ s successful balance between quantitative and qualitative analysis is unsurpris-ing given the expertise of the three editors and their long experience and commitment to building research tools that ground the study of the Slave Trades solidly in archival evidence. From the galleons to the Highlands reveals the complexity of patterns of the Slave Trade to Spanish America as well as the weight of Spanish involvement in the trade, and the crucial importance the Inter-American slave trade in shaping slave routes. The editors argue that greatest The revised numbers indicate the","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44028014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Hispanic Baroque ekphrasis: Góngora, Camargo, Sor Juana","authors":"Felipe Valencia","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2104047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2104047","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41616154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Las imágenes del miedo en De peste variolarum, de Juan Ignacio Molina: affectus, evidentia, scientia","authors":"María José Brañes","doi":"10.1080/10609164.2022.2069406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2022.2069406","url":null,"abstract":"Conocido ante todo por los textos de carácter científico que publicó después de abandonar su tierra natal, el jesuita Juan Ignacio Molina (Villa Alegre, 1740–Bolonia, 1829) es también uno de los más importantes autores de poesía neolatina de Chile colonial. Estas obras constituyen un valioso registro a nivel testimonial, y en varios aspectos reflejan el lugar ocupado por la formación clásica en las aulas jesuitas chilenas antes de la expulsión. Su origen probablemente se enmarca en alguna tarea o certamen escolar: la composición de textos en lengua latina y griega constituía uno de los pilares fundamentales del programa educativo de la Compañía de Jesús, y también en los territorios americanos sus estudiantes se ejercitaban en la práctica de la imitación de los auctores. De peste variolarum, ‘Acerca de la peste de viruelas,’ es quizás el texto más llamativo de la producción en lengua latina del chileno. En esta obra, conformada por dos libros de seis elegías cada uno, Molina plasma las distintas etapas de la patología y su tratamiento, con tintes explícitamente autobiográficos. Se conserva en el Archivo Histórico Nacional de Chile (Fondo Varios, vol. 158, fs. 2r–11v). Si creemos a una nota marginal que acompaña a los versos iniciales, la obra—que lleva la fecha de 1761 junto al título y en una nota al margen— habría sido compuesta durante la enfermedad del autor: ‘Escribí este librito enfermo de viruelas, en el lecho, y un amigo me lo arrebató antes de que lo corrigiera.’ Además ha llegado a nosotros una segunda redacción (Fondo Varios, vol. 995, fs. 64r– 78r), que lleva el título De peste variolis vulgo dicta (‘Acerca de la vulgarmente llamada peste de viruelas’) y que, si bien indica el año de 1760 en su último folio, habría sido trabajada tardíamente por Molina, cuando ya se encontraba en Bolonia (Jiménez 1974, 46). Corresponde a un texto considerablemente más extenso y con importantes adiciones a nivel de contenidos, aunque el manuscrito por desgracia se encuentra incompleto: se conserva solamente el segundo libro, compuesto por once elegías. En comparación con esta segunda versión, De peste variolarum posee rasgos que dan cuenta de un trabajo temprano y estrechamente vinculado a la juventud del autor: la descripción de la enfermedad en la primera redacción se caracteriza por una espontaneidad que no se percibe en la segunda y por la inclusión de fragmentos que incluso podríamos calificar de familiares, como sus quejas a los estudios filosóficos o la mención de los nombres de los compañeros hacia el final de la obra; otro aspecto que conviene destacar es que, a diferencia de De peste variolis vulgo dicta, De peste variolarum no contiene notas explicativas de carácter geográfico y etnográfico, lo cual hace pensar que en esta primera","PeriodicalId":44336,"journal":{"name":"Colonial Latin American Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43990316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}