M. B. Birkenes, Jürg Fleischer, Stephanie Leser-Cronau
{"title":"A diachronic and areal typology of agreement in Germanic","authors":"M. B. Birkenes, Jürg Fleischer, Stephanie Leser-Cronau","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2020-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2020-2002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In a comparison of a passage from the New Testament (Luke 2:1–2:20), we explore diachronic developments and areal distributions of agreement in Germanic quantitatively by taking into account 33 different Bible versions, spanning from Wulfila’s Gothic version to all modern standard languages and selected dialects. This allows us to establish a thorough typological profile of agreement and its differing developments in Germanic. Our method involves a quantification of all agreement relations, allowing for precise comparisons.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"141 1","pages":"219 - 260"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78579501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pluractionality in Hittite","authors":"G. Inglese, Simone Mattiola","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2020-2003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2020-2003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Hittite features three derivational suffixes, i.e., -ške/a-, -šša-, and -anna/i-, that attach to verbs and are commonly described as expressing a number of imperfective-like functions. So far, the distribution and use of these suffixes has defied a satisfactory explanation. Whereas some scholars argue that they operate within the domain of lexical aspect, others view them as associated with the encoding of grammatical imperfective aspect. In this paper, we focus on the interpretation of -ške/a- and argue that a better understanding of the nature of this suffix can be achieved if one frames its description within the typology of pluractional constructions. As we show, the range of polyfunctionality of -ške/a- fully complies with the cross-linguistic behavior of pluractional markers. We also provide a tentative diachronic scenario that accounts for the rise of such polyfunctionality out of the original semantic core of the suffix.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"3523 1","pages":"261 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86656293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The (crucial yet neglected) category of interjections in Xhosa","authors":"A. Andrason, M. Dlali","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2020-2001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2020-2001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present paper analyzes the category of interjections in Xhosa within a prototype approach. The evidence demonstrates the robustness and internal complexity of the interjectional category. Interjections ranges from canonical and asystematic to non-canonical and (relatively) systematic, with emotive primary interjections entertaining the highest extent of interjectionality and asystematicity.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"10 1","pages":"159 - 217"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74010491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Marwan Jarrah, A. R. Altakhaineh, Eisa Al-Rasheedi
{"title":"ɸ-agreement within Construct State in Jordanian Arabic","authors":"Marwan Jarrah, A. R. Altakhaineh, Eisa Al-Rasheedi","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0025","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper shows that the head noun of the Construct State may ɸ-agree (in Number and Gender) with the accompanying DP associate in Jordanian Arabic. When it occurs, this agreement is, however, only invoked when the DP associate is referential (e.g., galam ʔil-walad ‘the boy’s pen’>galamuhi ʔil-waladi , but barbiiʃ ʔil-ʁaaz ‘the gas pipe’>*barbiiʃ-uh i ʔil-ʁaazi ). The paper provides a syntactic account of this observation which clearly demonstrates that Construct States do not constitute a homogenous group. We specifically argue that the head D° of the Construct State is endowed with a bundle of uninterpretable, unvalued ɸ-features which are valued via Agree by the DP associate of the Construct State. The outcome of this valuation, when it occurs, may surface as an inflectional suffix that appears on the head noun occupying this position, i.e. D°, in PF. For why D°-related uninterpretable ɸ-features are only valued by referential DPs, we propose that this follows from the assumption that such DPs carry a [person] feature, hence ɸ-complete, unlike nonreferential DPs which lack a [person] feature, and hence ɸ-incomplete. ɸ-incompleteness makes non-referential DPs incapable of valuing uninterpretable ɸ-features carried by c-commanding heads in Jordanian Arabic.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"200 1","pages":"1 - 26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76971854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Non-canonical inverse in Circassian languages","authors":"P. Arkadiev","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0028","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper discusses a typologically peculiar inverse-like construction found in the polysynthetic ergative Circassian languages of the Northwest-Caucasian family. These languages possess a cislocative verbal prefix, which, in addition to marking the spatial meaning of speaker-orientation, systematically occurs in polyvalent verbs when the object outranks the subject on the person hierarchy. The inverse-like use of the cislocative in Circassian differs from the “canonical” direct-inverse system in that, first, it is fully redundant since the person-role linking is achieved by means of the person markers themselves and, second, it does not occur in the basic transitive construction, featuring instead in configurations involving an indirect object both in ditransitive and bivalent intransitive verbs. It is argued that the typologically outstanding properties of the Circassian inverse-like marking can be naturally explained by its diachronic origin.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"63 1","pages":"111 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80504169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"What are and what aren’t complex nominal expressions in flexible word order languages","authors":"Uta Reinöhl","doi":"10.1515/stuf-2019-0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper tackles the challenge of how to identify multi-word (or “complex”) nominal expressions in flexible word order languages including certain Australian languages and Vedic Sanskrit. In these languages, a weak or absent noun/adjective distinction in conjunction with flexible word order make it often hard to distinguish between complex nominal expressions, on the one hand, and cases where the nominals in question form independent expressions, on the other hand. Based on a discourse-based understanding of what it means to form a nominal expression, this paper surveys various cases where we are not dealing with multi-word nominal expressions. This involves, in particular, periphery-related phenomena such as use of nominals as free topics or afterthoughts, as well as various kinds of predicative uses. In the absence of clear morpho-syntactic evidence, all kinds of linguistic evidence are relied upon, including, in particular, information structure and prosody, but also derivational morphology and lexical semantics. In this way, it becomes frequently possible to distinguish between what are and what aren’t complex nominal expressions in these languages.","PeriodicalId":43533,"journal":{"name":"STUF-Language Typology and Universals","volume":"130 1","pages":"57 - 79"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"2020-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79248545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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