Middle East Law and Governance最新文献

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Lebanon’s Parliament System as a Form of Institutionalized Hybridity 黎巴嫩的议会制度是一种制度化的混合形式
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031241
J. Paterson, B. MacQueen
{"title":"Lebanon’s Parliament System as a Form of Institutionalized Hybridity","authors":"J. Paterson, B. MacQueen","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13031241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031241","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article presents the Lebanese parliament as a form of institutionalized hybridity that offers a modicum of popular participation through highly regulated and moderated channels. It argues that the procedural nature of Lebanon’s electoral system is one that is largely, if not entirely, underscored by a closed elite bargaining process and is driven by elite preferences. This dynamic is a by-product of a power-sharing arrangement that ostensibly balances sectarian concerns, but in reality creates a disparity between political elites and the individuals within those sects which the consociational arrangement purports to include. However, this system has also created and reinforced challenges to its rule, particularly from below. With that in mind, this article highlights the evolving interactions between the entrenched, elite dominated, political system and popular protest movement and outlines how recent patterns of popular unrest present more fundamental critiques of the parliament and its central role in Lebanese politics.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44522846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Introduction: On the Relevance of Arab Parliaments 导言:关于阿拉伯议会的相关性
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031235
P. Esber, J. Völkel
{"title":"Introduction: On the Relevance of Arab Parliaments","authors":"P. Esber, J. Völkel","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13031235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031235","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This introduction leads into the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” Parliaments in the Arab world have hardly been considered to be relevant institutions during the decades of authoritarianism in the post-independence era. If at all, they were of importance as a strategic element in the power-saving strategies of regimes. The “Arab Spring” ten years ago, with its loud calls for a more democratic and socially just political sphere, opened a new window of potentiality for the legislative chambers in the countries concerned, yet to very different avail: while the “Assemblée des Représentants du Peuple” in Tunisia gained unprecedented relevance as constitution-maker and governmental watchdog, the Egyptian Majlis al-Shaʿb was dissolved in 2012 after Islamists sweepingly won the elections and were reinstated only after the old forces had resecured their stark grip on power. Here, parliament has hardly gained any new relevance. This introduction outlines the core structure of the Special Issue which takes stock of parliaments in the Arab world a decade after the 2011 uprisings, discusses the state of research, and develops its guiding theoretic framework.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43118376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Conclusions, Arab Parliaments Post-2011: A Sisyphean Task? 结论:2011年后的阿拉伯议会:一项西西弗斯式的任务?
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031236
J. Völkel, P. Esber
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引用次数: 0
The Power of Bipartisan Mobilization: The Success of Tunisia’s Feminist Movement During the Coronavirus Pandemic 两党动员的力量:冠状病毒大流行期间突尼斯女权运动的成功
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14011296
Maro Youssef, Sarah Yerkes
{"title":"The Power of Bipartisan Mobilization: The Success of Tunisia’s Feminist Movement During the Coronavirus Pandemic","authors":"Maro Youssef, Sarah Yerkes","doi":"10.1163/18763375-14011296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-14011296","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The Tunisian government, which is deeply divided, especially along ideological lines, responded to growing concerns over increased violence against women during the Coronavirus pandemic by establishing a new domestic violence shelter and 24/7 hotline. This article asks: <em>Why did the state respond to gender-based violence</em>(<span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\"><em>gbv</em></span><em>) concerns during the Coronavirus pandemic in Tunisia, despite ideological and political divisions?</em> We argue that the state addressed some concerns around violence during the pandemic because combatting <span style=\"font-variant: small-caps;\">gbv</span> has bipartisan support in Tunisia. Tunisian Islamist and secularist women’s rights organizations succeeded in building a bipartisan coalition of support on this issue because they worked either together in a short-lived coalition or in tandem with similar goals over the past decade during the democratic transition in Tunisia. Building on the existing coalition literature, we show that feminist coalition formation before a pandemic has implications for feminists’ success in times of crisis.</p>","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"531 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
From Democratic Exception to State of Exception: Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law 从民主例外到例外状态:突尼斯法治背景下的新冠肺炎
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13040002
Meriem Guetat, Meriem Agrebi
{"title":"From Democratic Exception to State of Exception: Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law","authors":"Meriem Guetat, Meriem Agrebi","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13040002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13040002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Through an analysis of the early legal and institutional response to Covid-19 in Tunisia, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Tunisia’s democratic exceptionalism following the 2011 revolution is not translated into a liberal legal practice but is instead upheld by an authoritarian rationale that serves the role of a formal channel that legitimizes power discourse. Specifically, this article focuses on what the state of exception, which was declared during the ongoing state of emergency, reveals about the various uses of law in Tunisia. It argues that the state of emergency has become the norm to the Tunisian way of governance post-2011, allowing for the survival of past authoritarian practices where the legal apparatus is used and deployed as a tool of policing and control.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41525418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Mapping Covid-19 Governance in Lebanon: Territories of Sectarianism and Solidarity 绘制2019冠状病毒病在黎巴嫩的治理:宗派主义和团结的领土
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-10-26 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-14011293
Mona Harb, Ahmad Gharbieh, Mona Fawaz, Luna Dayekh
{"title":"Mapping Covid-19 Governance in Lebanon: Territories of Sectarianism and Solidarity","authors":"Mona Harb, Ahmad Gharbieh, Mona Fawaz, Luna Dayekh","doi":"10.1163/18763375-14011293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-14011293","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Many states, including Lebanon, have used the Covid-19 pandemic as an occasion to reassert their power and to consolidate their policing and repressive apparatuses. We are far from a seamless scenario, however. Rather than a mere reproduction of the sectarian political system, we argue in this paper that the governance of the pandemic in Lebanon reveals tensions between powerful political parties, weakened public agencies, as well as multiple solidarity groups with diverging aspirations, colliding over the imagined future of the country. Using various sources of information (broadcast, print and online news media, social media), we build a database of the types of actors and the categories of actions across locations, and analyze the territorial and political variations of the governance of the pandemic. The paper demonstrates that the Covid-19 response in Lebanon operates through ongoing negotiations over the national territory in which timid yet visible aspirations for a non-sectarian country confront sectarian territorialities through back-and-forth cycles.</p>","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"530 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Defining the “Tribal Advantage” in Kuwaiti Politics 科威特政治中“部落优势”的界定
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-10-12 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031309
C. Freer, Andrew Leber
{"title":"Defining the “Tribal Advantage” in Kuwaiti Politics","authors":"C. Freer, Andrew Leber","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13031309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031309","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Contemporary electoral discourses in Kuwait stress a “tribal advantage” that boosts the representation of tribe-affiliated Kuwaitis in the National Assembly and undermines the character of Kuwaiti democracy. We draw on survey data, elite interviews, and election returns to assess the validity of these claims. Kuwaiti responses in a survey of political attitudes cast doubt on the hypothesis that members of tribes are likelier to view voting as a quid-pro-quo exchange for government services. Election returns suggest a slight over-representation of tribe-affiliated Kuwaitis writ large, but as a result of the interaction of larger post-2006 electoral districts with tribal electoral coordination rather than as a result of government design. Additionally, electoral returns offer evidence of growing tribal coordination intended to ensure representation within the National Assembly, albeit one disrupted by changes in electoral laws. We conclude by highlighting the possibility of electoral appeals that build on, rather than restrict themselves to, ascriptive identities.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49544279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Trade relations between the European Union and Palestine: Assessment and Potential improvements 欧盟与巴勒斯坦之间的贸易关系:评估和可能的改进
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13040001
A. Khalil, G. Roux
{"title":"Trade relations between the European Union and Palestine: Assessment and Potential improvements","authors":"A. Khalil, G. Roux","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13040001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13040001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article examines the bilateral relationship between the European Union and the Palestinian Authority. The EU’s policy towards Palestine, as with other neighboring countries, has always closely linked the economic and political elements of the relationship. Besides financial aid to support Palestine’s socio-economic development and state-building, trade between the EU and Palestine has had an increasingly important role in this regard. The article reviews the possibilities for improvement of EU-Palestine trade exchanges within the existing framework of cooperation by illustrating how implementation, capacity building, and support for regional and global economic integration are key and realistic options for both parties to reap the benefits from the trade agreements in place.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49219321","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Revisiting the Concept of Moderation in the Age of Populism: the akp case of Turkey 重新审视民粹主义时代的节制概念:以土耳其的akp为例
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031260
Pelin Ayan Musil
{"title":"Revisiting the Concept of Moderation in the Age of Populism: the akp case of Turkey","authors":"Pelin Ayan Musil","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13031260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031260","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article presents the case of Turkey within the framework of this special issue entitled “On Islamist Parties and the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis”. I argue that rather than a distinction between the concepts of ”tactical” and “ideological” moderation that the literature talks about, a distinction between the concepts of an “inclusionary-populist” and “moderate Islamist” party could provide a more useful insight over the role of Islamist and post-Islamist parties in democratization and de-democratization processes. Through a re-analysis of the secondary literature and a content analysis of 196 newspaper columns written by three pro-democracy intellectuals, I label the akp’s transition period from moderate-Islamism toward authoritarianism as its inclusionary populist phase. I show that in contexts marked by deep ideological divisions and unconsolidated democratic institutions, a shift in party identity from moderate-Islamism toward inclusionary populism can be taken as the early signal of an unfolding process of autocratization.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43968130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Walking a Thin Line of Representation: Analyzing the Behavior of Egyptian MPs 走在代表的细线上:分析埃及国会议员的行为
IF 1
Middle East Law and Governance Pub Date : 2021-07-07 DOI: 10.1163/18763375-13031308
Mazen Hassan, A. Abdrabou, H. Abdelgawad
{"title":"Walking a Thin Line of Representation: Analyzing the Behavior of Egyptian MPs","authors":"Mazen Hassan, A. Abdrabou, H. Abdelgawad","doi":"10.1163/18763375-13031308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13031308","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article is part of the Special Issue “Parliaments in the Middle East and North Africa: A Struggle for Relevance.” While legislators in democratic settings have the electorate as their main principal, mps in semi- and nondemocratic settings need to serve two principals to remain in office: the regime and the active segment of the electorate. This dichotymy sometimes requires particular skills in parliamentary behavior. For the case of Egypt, we investigate how mps strike a balance between regime support and representing their constituents up to an extent that does not endanger their chances for re-election. A content analysis of session scripts of the Egyptian parliament in 2016 was conducted to examine how mps walk this – traditionally understudied – thin line. Our findings indicate that representation gets reduced to “descriptive representation,” i.e. a representation that puts more emphasis on representing local constituents and demographic segments, like Copts and women, that mps are presumably elected to represent. We therefore show that mps fulfill the important tasks of citizens representation even in semi- and nondemocratic settings.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47678319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
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