Middle East Law and Governance最新文献

{"title":"Female Leadership Roles: Subjectivity and Self-Representation","authors":"Ola Abdelaal","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231321","url":null,"abstract":"This article delves into the impact of digital activism on the leadership style of female-led non-governmental organisations operating under restricted access to opportunities. The focus is on Muslim sisterhood activism, examining the shift from offline to online activism led by the younger generation. The article analyses the barriers that have historically prevented Muslim sisterhood activists from playing leadership roles within the Muslim Brotherhood group and compares offline and online leadership roles using the case study of the Revolutionary Coalition for Egyptian Women from 2014 to 2023, with a focus on 2014. The study reveals that the younger generation of Muslim women has adopted a language that prioritises self-representation and body politics over religious discourse, indicating a heightened awareness of gender politics during the period between 2014 and 2023. To overcome state-imposed restrictions, the younger generation of the Muslim sisterhood has contradicted their well-established values on women’s roles and focused their political agendas on regaining popularity in Egyptian society. By exploring the impact of different political opportunities on women’s leadership roles through the political process paradigm, this article bridges a gap in the literature on resistant politics, feminism, leadership, and digital activism. The study shows that the younger generation of Muslim women is spearheading a strategic change in the resistant activist discourse, utilising the new digital space for activism to promote their cause.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139590550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From Inclusion-Radicalization to Moderation Under Institutional Constraints: A Synchronic and Diachronic Approach of Algerian Islamist Parties (1989–2019)","authors":"Myriam Aït-Aoudia, Belkacem Benzenine","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231429","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article focuses on the transformations of Algerian Islamist parties, placing them in a dynamic context. Having undergone both phases since the fall of the ruling party in 1989, Algeria furnishes a case study for analyzing the conditions and challenges of the inclusion <em>and</em> exclusion of Islamist parties. The synchronic and diachronic construction of the Algerian case, combined with a comprehensive and inductive approach, thus allows us to contribute to the inclusion-moderation debate on multiple empirical, methodological, and conceptual levels. Only this dual approach makes it possible to grasp the changes and continuities in the ideology and modes of action of the Islamist parties as well as the evolution of how the regime integrated or excluded them from the political arena. On the level of defining moderation and radicalization, it allows us to differentiate between, on the one hand, political labelling by the various Islamist or non-Islamist actors and institutionally defined legal criteria and, on the other hand, academic concepts. This calls for adopting a dual analysis: what we term a radicalization <em>within</em> the institutional arena (by subverting the foundations of the state, i.e., the Islamic state project) and a radicalization from <em>outside</em> it (by armed violence). In this framework, the political exclusion of an Islamist party correlates closely not with its intrinsic radicality but with the crossing of an electoral threshold, which sets the stage for implementing its radical program. Knowing how the civilian and military authorities assess this threat is thus essential for understanding the exclusionary and inclusionary processes. Next, we must differentiate between inclusion in the electoral game, which is accepted, and inclusion in the executive branch, on which the Islamist parties are internally conflicted. Finally, it behooves us to show that the moderation of programs and modes of action does not stem from (prior) inclusion in the political game, but instead results from a new institutional constraint. It produces specific effects, namely partisan fragmentation, and ambivalence about the identity of Islamist parties.</p>","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138546805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Cinematic Courtrooms: Law and Courts in Iran’s Post-Revolution Cinema","authors":"Bahare Ghanoon","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15040002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15040002","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article focuses on how courts are represented in Iran’s contemporary cinema. Exploring Iranian movies made since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and more precisely movies of the past 25 years, reveals a concrete transition in the representation of courts and law: moving from an idealistic to a more critical view, and eventually to a realistic perspective. This shift can be understood as a response and an adjustment to the political and social changes in contemporary Iran. The ‘idealistic’ representation of courts portrayed them as a sacred place with a judge presiding over all parties and incidents, tackling dilemmas in the most righteous way and serving infallible justice. This portrayal is found most frequently in movies of the 1990s. The next decade saw the emergence of a critical perspective that included themes such as freedom of speech, women’s rights, or modern Iranian family structures; when it came to the law and the role of courts, movies attacked the legal system. This ‘oppositional representation’ would, for example, portray the judge as ignorant of certain facts, depicting the parties as desperate and helpless against the court, as well as other factors that prevent justice from being served or, even worse, cause the defendant to fall victim to the legal system. Almost simultaneously, in contrast, ‘realistic’ cinematic courtrooms are depicted in another set of movies, in which justice is achieved only to some extent. In this representation, the bench is neither sacred, nor is the judge omniscient, with parties capable of keeping the whole truth from him and of manipulating the court’s decision. Each of these representations requires a different set of narrative structures. This article shows how these narratives have emerged in Iranian cinema. It uses Vladimir Propp’s model for analysing narratives, according to which each narrative is fractionalized into ‘characters’ and ‘functions.’ Using Propp’s model, this article identifies three major cinematic narratives involving courts, namely the ‘idealistic narrative,’ the ‘oppositional narrative,’ and the ‘realistic narrative.’ The article also investigates the impact of social developments in the audiences’ perception of the law as they move away from unreal understandings of justice towards more nuanced and critical ones.</p>","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"194 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141058665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Framing Moroccan Judiciary on tv Dramas: a Public Asset under Constraints","authors":"Abderrahim Chalfaouat","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231412","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract An efficient, impartial, and independent judiciary is a major demand for Moroccan citizens. In online advocacy, citizens denounce the flawed judiciary, sometimes virally circulating content on its corruption and susceptibility to interference. On tv , non-fiction programs respond to frequent requests for legal advice from audiences. Meanwhile, dramas employ frames that reflect codes on how society should perceive the judiciary and the rule of law. This article assesses the dominant frames of the judiciary on tv dramas. Two programs, Moudāwala and Al-Māḍī Lā Yamūt , are selected based on their relevance and popularity. The qualitative analysis of these programs incorporates character and narrative portrayals into thematic and frame analyses. As the two programs illustrate judicial struggles from within and without, they exemplify portrayals of the legal system that uncover discrepancies between normative practices and ruthless realities. The judiciary’s dominant frames focus on individual solutions and blame citizens for ignoring judicial texts or institutions. Frames reflect how media avoid watchdogging the judiciary and extend, directly or otherwise, hegemony over both the judiciary and the media.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"47 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135931664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Wasta and Democratic Attitudes in the Middle East","authors":"Hannah M. Ridge","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231409","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Middle East faces ongoing challenges in democratization and in corruption. This article examines the influence of wasta – a Middle Eastern form of clientelism – on citizens’ political attitudes. Although wasta is situated between citizen services and corruption, many citizens view wasta as corrupt. Using Arab Barometer survey data, this article shows that the widespread use of wasta in the Middle East makes citizens less satisfied with their current largely non-democratic governments. Wasta also increases their interest in democracy as an egalitarian alternative regime structure. Wasta users, however, are protective of the personal advantages that wasta networks afford them. Widespread wasta thus represents a challenge to democratization.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135931418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Adversarial Power-Sharing and “Forced Marriages”: Governing Coalitions in Lebanon and Yemen","authors":"Vincent Durac, Tamirace Fakhoury","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231424","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How do power-sharing governing coalitions work in the context of politicized identities and external pressures? And how do they emerge, develop, and disintegrate when governing parties share power in the context of colliding agendas? Working on the premise that coalition governments may be messy constellations of power, rather than rational avenues for deliberation, this article explores the politics of coalitions in the Middle East as a case of adversarial power-sharing, or what we frame as ‘forced marriages.’ We focus on Yemen and Lebanon, two polities that have developed power-sharing arrangements in conflict-laden environments, albeit under different circumstances and logics of state-building. We argue that while both countries are different on a wide range of variables, they have broader lessons to convey on the ways coalition governments perform and the policy consequences they yield. Throughout both countries’ political history, coalition governance patterns have led to political fragmentation and policy gridlock. However, the puzzle is that notwithstanding antagonistic policy agendas and despite popular disaffection with ruling arrangements, coalition governments have kept re-emerging. This requires an incisive look into the relational and complex dynamics that sustain their logic.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135249520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Democracy Under Occupation: Coalition Government Formation and Survival in Iraq and Palestine","authors":"Stephanie Stapleton, Taib Biygautane, Tavishi Bhasin, Maia Carter Hallward","doi":"10.1163/18763375-20231397","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231397","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While existing research on coalition government formation and durability has significantly enhanced our understanding of coalition processes, it remains heavily focused on (1) the experiences of established democracies in Europe and on (2) the various roles of domestic institutions and actors. In this article, we examine the interplay of external interference and domestic actors to explain the success and failure of coalition government formation in the context of fragile democracies. We ask: How does external interference impact government coalition formation? Drawing on Domestic Opposition Theory ( dot ), we explore two cases of coalition government efforts in the Middle East: post-elections in Iraq in 2018 and in Palestine in 2006. Findings show that, in the case of Palestine, external interference – financial boycott of Hamas-led government and support for Fatah against Hamas – played a key role in the eventual failure of the governing coalition. In Iraq’s case, widespread public domestic opposition to continued external influence, particularly from Iranian-backed interests, played a defining role in coalition formation processes.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135249516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Multiparty Coalition Governments, Portfolio Allocation and Ministerial Turnover in Morocco and Algeria","authors":"Valeria Resta, Mohamed Daadaoui","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15030008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15030008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article analyzes multiparty coalition governments under authoritarian tutelage in Morocco and Algeria. While in Morocco multiparty coalition governments are just a means for the King to dress their windows, in Algeria they represent a new arena of power bargaining. In both cases, portfolio allocation follows the Gamson’s law but cases of advantage for the formateur are also given. Nonetheless, the parties included in multiparty coalition governments are almost always regime-controlled ones, as is the case in Algeria, or encounter reserved domains constitutionally defined, as is the case in Morocco. Moreover, in both cases the democratic potential intrinsic to multiparty coalition governments is defused by preventing grassroots parties to access top-weighted ministerial portfolios and by envisaging a relevant role for non-party ministries. This renders cabinet positions hardly contestable and adds up to the durability of multiparty coalition governments while making them barely apt at channeling grassroots demands for political change.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135249514","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Reflections on Teaching Quantitative Methods in Arabic to Graduate Students from the mena Region","authors":"Ammar Shamaileh, Abdelkarim Amengay","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15020007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15020007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Despite a growing reliance on quantitative methods in the study of mena politics globally, political scientists from the region have broadly resisted such trends. While mena scholars should not be beholden to methodological trends in other regions, there is a need to provide students with an interest in quantitative methods opportunities to receive such training in Arabic. The Summer School for Quantitative Methods was a virtual five-day program offered by the Arab Political Science Network (apsn) and the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies from May 29 to June 2, 2022. The primary aim of ssqm was to address the gap noted above and introduce political science graduate students from the Arabic-speaking world to quantitative empirical analysis. The program accomplished its immediate goals, and the application process showed a significant demand for training in quantitative methods in the region, yet future projects should take into consideration the considerable challenges we faced.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46982009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction to the issue: “On Islamist Parties and the Inclusion-Moderation Hypothesis: Lessons from the Past Decade”","authors":"Clément Steuer","doi":"10.1163/18763375-15020005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18763375-15020005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000At the beginning of the 2010s, several Arab countries seemed about to follow the model of Turkey, with an electoral victory of Islamist parties in a context of democratization. A decade later, Turkish akp has turned authoritarian, and the Moroccan and Tunisian Islamist parties have lost both access to governmental office and a large part of their electoral appeal. In this context, lessons can be learned from the early failed democratic experience in Algeria (1989–1992), and from the evolution of its Islamist movements since then.\u0000From these four case studies, the contributors of this issue investigate the notions of moderation and inclusion, and their interrelations. Their articles build on the current trends within literature by taking into account the variety of Islamist movements, and their incorporation within different national trajectories. These articles contribute to the academic discussion by bringing new facts and ideas regarding this topic of inclusion-moderation.","PeriodicalId":43500,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Law and Governance","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43685905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}