{"title":"Nature as Ideal: Drawings by Joseph Anton Koch and Johann Christian Reinhart","authors":"Cornelia Reiter","doi":"10.1086/680048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680048","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last ten years, The Metropolitan Museum of Art has acquired a substantial and representative collection of works by the circle of German and Austrian artists living in Rome about 1800, most notably Joseph Anton Koch (1768 – 1839) and Johann Christian Reinhart (1761 – 1847). Both artists devoted themselves to landscapes in a Neoclassical style that picture an idealized nature as a reflection of a higher spirituality. They held a key position in the revival of landscape painting and drawing about 1800 — not only in the rich painted and graphic oeuvre they left behind but also in their personal influence as critical guides to the events in the art world unfolding around them. They functioned as promoters of the next generation of artists, for whom the ideal classicism of Koch and Reinhart served as a starting point for the development of a genuine Romantic conception of landscape. The graphic work of the Tirol native Joseph Anton Koch from different periods and in various genres is particularly well represented in the Museum’s collection. He was unquestionably one of the most important practitioners of Neoclassical landscape painting and drawing. The son of a landless laborer in the Lechtal in Tirol (Austria), Koch received decisive assistance from the bishop of Augsburg, who, after being apprised of the boy’s early demonstration of a talent for drawing, made it possible for him to receive proper artistic training. During his years at the Hohe Karlsschule in Stuttgart from 1785 to 1791, Koch was stirred by the ideas of the French Revolution. Rejecting the restrictive and outmoded teaching methods, he left the school in 1791 for Strasbourg. There he first moved in Jacobin circles but soon distanced himself from them and set out on travels through Switzerland, where, over several years, he produced a large number of landscape studies from nature that served as a reservoir of motifs for his later works. After going to Italy and briefly staying in Naples, he settled in Rome in 1795, where he received his mail at the Antico Caffè Greco in the Strada Condotti. There he joined the circle around Johann Christian Reinhart, the Danish-German painter Asmus Jakob Carstens (1754 – 1788), and the Danish sculptor Bertel Thorvaldsen (1770 – 1844). He spent the greater part of his life in Rome, where, with his pronounced, outgoing personality, he became the center of the German artists’ colony. Something of that personality is expressed in an outstanding portrait of Koch by the Swiss artist and sometime coworker in Koch’s atelier Hieronymus Hess (1799 – 1850),1 which is now also in the Metropolitan Museum (Figure 1).2 Koch, born in 1768 — as is noted on the drawing — belonged to a generation that chose to ennoble the empirical image of nature with idealized compositions and the incorporation of narratives, generally drawn from classical mythology. The first of his works to be discussed here is a gouache of a southern coastal landscape that is impressive for","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"207 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680048","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60342201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Honoré de Balzac and Natoire’s The Expulsion from Paradise","authors":"Carol Santoleri","doi":"10.1086/680033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680033","url":null,"abstract":"The nineteenth-century French novelist Honoré de Balzac (1799 – 1850) has a well-documented reputation for drawing on the conventions of art to add depth and nuance to his literary work. Intrigued by a wide range of biblical, mythological, and genre subjects, he peppered his novels with references to scores of paintings that would have been familiar to his audience.1 He was also a passionate collector, who, like a character in one of his novels, frequented the establishments of art dealers in an effort to fill his home with paintings, drawings, and decorative arts.2 Yet, notwithstanding his evident appreciation of art and his ability to conjure up the rich iconography of well-known painters, he seems not to have been a sophisticated collector. Toward the end of his life, he noted in a letter to art critic Théophile Thoré that, although he enjoyed hunting for additions to his “petit musée,” he was not particularly knowledgeable on the subject of paintings.3 While he professed to own pictures by or attributed to such artists as Holbein, Domenichino, and Rubens,4 no work by or even after these artists has ever been associated with his collection. To date, only two pieces have been identified: Bacchante in a Landscape by Jean-Baptiste Mallet, now in the Louvre, Paris, and The Expulsion from Paradise by Charles Joseph Natoire (1700 – 1777), belonging to the Metropolitan Museum (Figure 1).5 Research indicates that Balzac purchased the Natoire in 1846 with his future wife, Eve Hanska (1804 – 1882), and that it remained in their collection for thirty-six years.6 The history of Balzac’s engagement with the painting can be traced through the letters he wrote over a period of almost seventeen years to Hanska — a noblewoman of Polish descent who had married Wenceslas Hanski (1782 – 1841) in 1819 and lived in western Ukraine at Wierzchownia, then part of the Russian Empire.7 The two began corresponding in February 1832, when Hanska sent Balzac an admiring yet critical fan letter, referring to herself simply as “L’Étrangère” (the foreigner).8 After an epistolary courtship interspersed with extended periods of shared travel and stopovers in Wierzchownia, the two were married on March 14, 1850. Tragically, Balzac died of ill health on August 18, only five months later. Balzac and Hanska first saw the Natoire on a trip across Italy, Switzerland, and Germany in 1846.9 On March 16 of that year, the writer boarded a mail coach in Paris for Rome, where he met up with Hanska. In mid-April, the two set sail for Genoa, continuing by way of Lake Orta and the Simplon Pass to Switzerland. On May 16, a few days before the writer’s forty-seventh birthday, they arrived in Basel, where they stayed at the luxurious Hôtel des Trois Rois to celebrate the feast day of Saint Honoré.10 At Miville-Krug, a local dealer in antiquities, they saw a number of items of interest, including The Expulsion from Paradise, which depicts the liminal moment when Adam and Eve come to terms with the","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"193 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341649","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
F. Carò, Giulia Chiostrini, Elizabeth Cleland, Nobuko Shibayama
{"title":"Redeeming Pieter Coecke van Aelst’s Gluttony Tapestry: Learning from Scientific Analysis","authors":"F. Carò, Giulia Chiostrini, Elizabeth Cleland, Nobuko Shibayama","doi":"10.1086/680030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680030","url":null,"abstract":"Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502 – 1550) was one of the most celebrated Netherlandish artists of his generation.1 An important panel painter and printer of influential architectural treatises, Coecke was above all a master draftsman-designer, and the primary medium for his artistic expression was tapestry design. Tapestry series based on his cartoons were woven up by the celebrated Brussels-based workshops directed by Willem de Pannemaker and Willem de Kempeneer, as well as lesser-known weavers like Jan van der Vijst and Paulus van Oppenem, and were acquired by the great Renaissance collectors, from Henry VIII to Francis I, Mary of Hungary, Charles V, and Cosimo I de’ Medici. The three securely documented tapestry series that form the core of Pieter Coecke van Aelst’s stylistically attributed body of works are the Life of Saint Paul, the Seven Deadly Sins, and the Story of Joshua.2 These were all phenomenally successful and woven in multiple high-quality editions. The Seven Deadly Sins, in particular, is one of the most appealing and inventive series of Renaissance tapestries known, presenting a subversive triumphal procession of the vices across seven tapestries, each devoted to a different sin. Uniquely for tapestries of this period, a written program survives in a manuscript in Madrid, describing the “significance of the seven tapestries of the seven deadly sins by Willem de Pannemaker of which master Pieter of Aelst, painter of Antwerp, made the designs and compositions.”3 Coecke probably began designing the Sins in late 1532, pausing during 1533, when he traveled to Constantinople (in part on a tapestry-selling expedition to Süleyman the Magnificent), completing the design of the series after his return in early 1534. Of the earliest documented edition, woven before 1536, which belonged to Henry VIII, only Avarice survives; it is now in the Morgan Library and Museum in New York.4 Of the three best-preserved Seven Deadly Sins editions, one (Figure 1) originally belonged to Mary of Hungary (1505 – 1558), governor of the Habsburg Netherlands (1531 – 55). Made before 1544, it is now in the Spanish Patrimonio Nacional. Another (Figure 2), made about 1545, was first acquired by the unfortunate Count Lamoraal van Egmont, prince of Gavere (1522 – 1568). Follow ing Egmont’s execution, it passed to Philip II and is now also in the Patrimonio Nacional. The third, woven about 1548 – 49 and probably originally in the collection of the dukes of Lorraine, is now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.5 Since 1957, The Metropolitan Museum of Art has owned one piece of the Seven Deadly Sins that Coecke designed; it represents Gluttony and is the only known survival from this, the fifth known edition (Figure 3).6 In a breathtakingly colorful sweep of twisting figures, fantastical beasts, and patterned cloth and trappings, the figures unfurl across the tapestry’s surface.7 The textile’s well-preserved, vivid palette enlivens the full subtleties of Coecke’s des","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"151 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680030","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Trade Stories: Chinese Export Embroideries in the Metropolitan Museum","authors":"Masako Yoshida","doi":"10.1086/680031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680031","url":null,"abstract":"Three silk textiles embroidered with flower, bird, and animal motifs entered the collection of The Metropolitan Museum of Art in 1929 as part of a single bequest. Nineteen years later, the museum received a fourth textile, with similar characteristics, from another donor. About this group of objects, which are clearly identifiable as Chinese export embroideries, little else is known for certain. The present article is a first attempt at establishing a history of these works, provisionally setting forth their dates and place of origin, the uses they possibly served, and the routes they may have taken on their centuries-long journey from China to New York. The formats and decorative compositions of the Metropolitan Museum’s embroideries are consistent with those of a specific class of Chinese textiles that were produced as bedcovers for the European market between 1550 and 1800. Similar pieces currently preserved in Japan and Europe attest to the fact that such textiles were exported to both East and west; none remain in China. Their popularity led to the production of imitations in countries along the trade routes and to the evolution of an international style that spread as far as the Andes. Thus, the Museum’s pieces are part of a larger category of textiles represented in collections around the world. Embroideries of this type feature at their center a peony encircled by a pair of facing phoenixes. The phoenixes, in turn, are surrounded by flowers, birds, and a variety of animals. Such compositions are found in two basic formats: vertical, with distinct top and bottom; and four-directional, with motifs radiating from the center. The backgrounds of these works are of two types also: in one, the background is covered entirely with gold-thread embroidery; in the other, the unadorned foundation fabric serves as the backdrop. The stylistic analysis presented in this article will focus exclusively on four-directional compositions with gold backgrounds. The three embroideries that came to the Metropolitan Museum in 1929 were bequeathed by Mrs. h. O. havemeyer; the fourth, bestowed in 1948, was a gift from Catherine D. wentworth. The havemeyer textiles were regarded initially as discrete objects, and each was assigned an accession number. Many years later, however, the Museum’s Textile Conservation Department discovered that the smallest of the three embroideries had been pieced together mostly with fragments from the other two, and conservators embarked on a project to detach the mismatched fragments and restore them to their original positions in the two larger embroideries (see Appendix Diagrams 1 – 3). As a result of this ongoing work, the number of the havemeyer textiles has effectively been reduced from three to two. (All that remains of the third havemeyer textile are two long, narrow strips; see Appendix Diagram 3.) These two embroideries will be referred to here as MMA I (Figure 1) and MMA II (Figure 2). Of the Metropolitan’s embroideries, only","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"165 - 185"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680031","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A New Analysis of Major Greek Sculptures in the Metropolitan Museum: Petrological and Stylistic","authors":"L. Lazzarini, C. Marconi","doi":"10.1086/680028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680028","url":null,"abstract":"Interest in the provenance of ancient marbles used in Greek and Roman sculpture is long-standing, going back to the very foundation of the study of ancient art, Johann Joachim Winckelmann’s History of the Art of Antiquity, published in 1764. In Part 1 of this seminal text, the German scholar addresses the materials selected by Greek sculptors in two important passages. In the introductory chapter, which discusses the origin of art and the reasons for its diversity among peoples, Winckelmann proposes a line of development for ancient sculptors’ materials that begins with clay and gradually progresses to wood and ivory, and finally to stone and metal. In Chapter 4, on the art of the Greeks, section 4, devoted to the “Mechanical Part of Greek Sculpture,” he addresses first the materials in which Greek sculptors worked and then the manner of their workmanship. In the passage, Winckelmann begins — in keeping with the taste of his time — with marble, and he not only presents the relevant literary sources but also discusses the qualities of different kinds of marble, including texture, consistency, and color. He focuses on marble from the island of Paros but also mentions Thasian, Pentelic, and Carrara marble. He explores the correlation between the qualities of these marbles and their different workabilities and appearances, thus proposing a strong connection between the material and the aesthetic quality of ancient sculpture.1 After such a start, it would seem inevitable that the identification of the marbles used in antiquity would have been a constant concern of both historians of ancient art and archaeologists. However, it was not until more than one hundred years after Winckelmann that the German geologist Richard Lepsius developed the first scientifically correct approach, one that can unreservedly be defined as archaeometric in the strict sense of the term.2 Archaeometry is a rather new science, officially dating to the end of the 1950s when the University of Oxford’s Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art began publishing a bulletin for the purpose of “fostering the close integration between the physical sciences, archaeology, and art history.”3 The bulletin soon became Archaeome try, an international journal now published six times a year that reports on the applications of scientific disciplines, such as biology, chemistry, physics, geology, and informatics, to archaeology, architecture, and art. Among other topics, its contributors discuss methods for determining the age and authenticity of all kinds of artifacts, the nature of their materials, and their sources and manufacturing techniques. One important application of archaeometry concerns marbles.4 Technically, marbles are pure carbonatic (calcitic or dolomitic) rocks with a carbonatic content that is usually well in excess of 95 percent. These rocks are crystalline; they may be white or gray, more rarely black, red, or green; and they will have been produced by contac","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"117 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680028","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Greek Inscription in a Portrait by Salvator Rosa","authors":"Michael Zellmann-Rohrer","doi":"10.1086/680032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680032","url":null,"abstract":"In the collection of The Metropolitan Museum of Art is a painting most often identified as a self-portrait by Salvator Rosa (1615 – 1673), depicting a man holding a human skull (Figure 1). The identity of the sitter has been disputed,1 though the work can be securely set in the context of the friendship between Rosa and Giovanni Battista Ricciardi (1623 – 1686), owing to an inscription.2 In fact, three inscriptions appear in the composition, and one of them, composed in classical Greek, has previously been misinterpreted. Born in Arenella, near Naples, Rosa traveled to Rome as a young man. There, in addition to painting, from 1638 he received training in poetry and satire from the court poet Antonio Abate (d. 1697), becoming an adept himself.3 A few years later, while in Florence, Rosa first encountered Ricciardi, a future professor of philosophy, who would guide Rosa in that discipline, particularly its source texts from classical Greece and Rome, over the course of a long friendship.4 Ricciardi was a bibliophile, known for his ability to locate and acquire copies of classical and other texts of interest to the literary elite of Tuscany, and Rosa occasionally served as his agent in this enterprise. In 1651, Rosa acquired for Ricciardi in Rome three Greek texts: the Adversus mathematicos by Sextus Empiricus, the Bibliotheca by Photius, and the commentary on Homer by Eustathius of Thessalonike.5 In Florence, Ricciardi participated in the Accademia dei Percossi, which Rosa founded with Lorenzo Lippi (1606 – 1665) about 1643.6 The group included, among other intellectuals, the philologists and classical scholars Carlo Roberto Dati (1619 – 1676), Andrea Cavalcanti (1610 – 1672), and Valerio Chimentelli (1620 – 1668), who had contacts with major centers for the study of antiquity in Rome and at the University of Pisa.7 This milieu would certainly have provided a suitable setting for Rosa to become conversant in Greek and Roman literature and culture. Indeed, there is noticeable selfidentification with classical antiquity among the Percossi, as Rosa describes the villa of his friend Giulio Maffei (d. 1656) at Monterufoli as “the Garden of Hesperides” and a “little Parnassus,” and casts himself and his colleagues as Greek philosophers.8 Their banquets often concluded with orations, including one titled “Encomium of the Golden Age” by Evangelista Torricelli (1608 – 1647), a noted physicist and mathematician, which borrowed heavily from classical texts,9 and a poetic composition by Niccolò Simonelli (d. 1671), an important early patron of Rosa’s work, which praises Rosa as the “Demosthenes of painting.”10 Rosa’s own literary production, situated in this context, bears out his familiarity with classical works. His satires bristle with classical allusions from a wide range of genres, some rather obscure, including direct citations in the original Latin11 and broader textual reminiscences.12 These also appear in the letters Rosa wrote to Ricciardi,13 in whic","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"187 - 192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60342061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Adam by Tullio Lombardo","authors":"L. Syson, V. Cafà","doi":"10.1086/680047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680047","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"110 1","pages":"8 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680047","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60342586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
C. Riccardelli, Michael Morris, G. Wheeler, J. Soultanian, Lawrence Becker, Ronald Street
{"title":"The Treatment of Tullio Lombardo’s Adam: A New Approach to the Conservation of Monumental Marble Sculpture","authors":"C. Riccardelli, Michael Morris, G. Wheeler, J. Soultanian, Lawrence Becker, Ronald Street","doi":"10.1086/680027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680027","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"48 - 116"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680027","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hellenistic Etruscan Cremation Urns from Chiusi","authors":"Theresa Huntsman","doi":"10.1086/680029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/680029","url":null,"abstract":"The city of Chiusi, ancient Clusium in Latin, or Clevsin in Etruscan, lies about 105 miles north of Rome along major trade routes through inland Etruria. Once one of the twelve cities of Etruria and seat of the famous Etruscan king Lars Porsenna,1 Chiusi and its environs have been occupied continuously from the Bronze Age to the present day. Antiquarian interest and fortuitous discoveries by local farmers in the nineteenth century uncovered hundreds of burials — simple pit tombs to multigenerational chamber tombs — in the area. Excavation practices of the day led to the quick excavation and dispersal of archaeological materials to museums and private collections across Europe and the United States, including The Metropolitan Museum of Art, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Objects from a single tomb were usually sold separately, and even if the original context was documented, the information often did not accompany artifacts, especially objects coming to the United States. In some cases, however, inscriptions in Etruscan or other distinguishing features on objects make it possible to determine their archaeological provenance and gain further insight into Etruscan funerary and artistic practices. An analysis of the forms and name inscriptions of a group of six cremation urns from Chiusi at the Metropolitan, never before the subject of a focused study, offers a new understanding of the urns’ manufacture and archaeological contexts as well as Etruscan family relationships and the role of burial containers in the Etruscan funerary environment. The Etruscans of Chiusi preferred to cremate their dead and deposited the ashes in a range of containers. Chiusi is most noted for its production of so-called terracotta “canopic” cremation urns with simple, ovoid bodies containing the cremated remains and with lids in the shape of human heads (Figure 1).2 This urn form “stood in” for the deceased in tombs of the Orientalizing period (seventh to sixth century B.C.) and was often placed on a high-backed chair or throne and arranged before an assemblage of grave goods related to banqueting. Over the course of the Archaic and Classical periods (sixth to fifth century B.C.), the canopic urn gave way to stone cinerary statues or relief-decorated, square cippi (boxes), but these monuments were generally very large, difficult to produce, and available to only a small, affluent portion of the population.3 Hellenistic Etruscan Cremation Urns from Chiusi","PeriodicalId":42073,"journal":{"name":"METROPOLITAN MUSEUM JOURNAL","volume":"49 1","pages":"141 - 150"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/680029","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60341866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}