{"title":"Better Off Alone: Somaliland, Institutional Legacy, and Prosperity","authors":"Oliver McPherson-Smith","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1915649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915649","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Somalia is a country of two realities: the internationally recognized Federal Republic of Somalia and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. While the Federal Republic endures chronic instability and unrest, Somaliland has established security, economic growth, and a functioning government. This article argues that a significant contributing factor to this divergence is the radically different colonial regimes that ruled the two regions before their unification and independence in 1960. British rule in British Somaliland sought primarily to deny other empires control of the Protectorate and to trade livestock with the indigenous communities. Italy, however, engaged in a protracted and violent effort to establish a plantation colony in Italian Somaliland. Drawing from colonial-era sources and with a focus on the earliest years of imperial and Somali engagement, this article situates the long-run divergent trajectories of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland within the broader literature on colonial institutions and long-run economic development.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"203 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915649","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47635287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Complex Effects of International Relations: Intended and Unintended Consequences of Human Actions in Middle East Conflicts","authors":"Joseph S. Spoerl","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1915644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915644","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"251 - 253"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915644","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43474765","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Implausible Persistence of Pastoralism: Samburu Transhumance from Their Nineteenth-Century Origins Through the Period of Colonial Rule","authors":"G. Simpson, P. Waweru","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1909379","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1909379","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based mainly on archival and oral sources this study examines the history of the cattle-herding Samburu people from the mid-nineteenth century through Kenyan independence in 1963. The authors emphasize the resilience and resourcefulness that the transhumant pastoralists exhibited as they encountered a host of challenges that ranged from epidemics and major outbreaks of disease among their livestock to interethnic competition for scarce resources to a host of disruptions brought on by colonial rule. The allegedly scientific nostrums British administrators sought to impose engendered a host of innovative reactions and ultimately the Samburu succeeded in abolishing the most onerous of these so that they gained their own kind of independence even before Uhuru came to the rest of Kenya. Thus, the Samburu brand of transhumant pastoralism, which colonial officials and other “expert” observers once believed a curious relic that was destined for the dustbin of history, nonetheless persisted into the post-independence era.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"225 - 249"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1909379","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47311891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The British Low-Profile Policy and Its Failure in the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1964–1967","authors":"Moshe Gat","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1909377","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1909377","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Following the Suez Campaign in October 1956, Great Britain began to step away from the Middle East. Its policy aimed at a gradual withdrawal from the region while protecting its interests, ensuring the uninterrupted supply of oil, and curbing Soviet expansion. Hence the policy of the United Kingdom (UK) was to maintain stability as another war between Israel and its Arab neighbors would be detrimental to its economy and provide the Soviet Union with the opportunity to deepen its incursion into the region. Britain therefore adopted a low-profile policy, designed to avoid taking sides in the Arab-Israeli conflict. In practice, it was burying its head in the sand. The Arabs viewed the absence of clear support for them, particularly in the issue of water, as implicit support for Israel, especially since Britain was secretly supplying the latter with weapons. London’s low-profile policy did not stand the test of regional developments. The tension between Israel and Egypt that emerged in mid-May 1967, intensified over the closing of the Straits of Tiran by Egypt, led the UK to take steps to ensure free passage through them.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"157 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1909377","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43362503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Historical Roles of Jihād in Sunnī-Shīʿī Relations","authors":"D. Stewart","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1898272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1898272","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article provides a taxonomy of the ways in which jihād and jihād propaganda have been used in medieval Islamic history and in modern times within the framework of Sunnī-Shīʿī relations. It identifies five main relevant patterns of usage: I) Sunnī jihād against a Shīʿī foreign power; II) Shīʿī jihād against a Sunnī foreign power; III) Shīʿī use of jihād propaganda against a foreign power – usually a Christian power – as a means to gain legitimacy among Sunnīs; IV) Sunnī-Shīʿī cooperation and solidarity through jihād against a foreign power; and V) Sunnī jihād against an internal, Shīʿī enemy. It then discusses the implications of the continuity of these patterns over many centuries for the understanding of Sunnī-Shīʿī relations generally and critiques some aspects of recent scholarship on “sectarianization.”","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"127 - 156"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1898272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46436824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Fascination of the Turkish Left with Palestine: “The Dream of Palestine”","authors":"Umut Uzer","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1915643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915643","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This study analyzes the ideology and worldview of Turkish and some Kurdish militants of the Turkish socialist movement from the late 1960s until the early 1980s based on the memoirs of the protagonists. In these writings, we can observe the exuberance as well as the disappointments of these young militants and their approach to world affairs in general and Turkish and Middle Eastern politics in particular. In their worldview, America and its allies, especially Israel, were the real enemy whereas they purported to aspire to the creation of a socialist state in Turkey. The Turkish left-wing militants got involved in Palestinian politics through their training at the Palestinian camps in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan as they perceived the Palestinian struggle against Israel as a part of the world-wide revolutionary movement for the overthrow of imperialism and its replacement by socialist governments all around the globe.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"181 - 202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1915643","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42555580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Death of Colonel ʿAdnān al-Mālkī in 1955 and the Intra-Sunni Balance of Power in Syria","authors":"Joel D. Parker","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1886513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886513","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article reconsiders the simple minority-majority dichotomy that surrounded the death of Colonel ʿAdnān al-Mālkī who was a Sunni killed by an ʿAlawi in 1955. Nevertheless, it was not the ʿAlawi minority, or other non-Sunni minorities that drove the subsequent power struggle that arose in Syria. Rather what occurred was a battle for control of the identity, direction, and economic organization of the young state contested by two alternative networks of Sunni elites, namely ʿulemaʾ (religious-scholarly) families, and ʿaskerī (military-administrative) families, both of whose social origins can be found in Ottoman history. This study argues that al-Mālkī’s assassination temporarily weakened the Syrian ʿulemaʾ families’ position in the civil-military balance that undergirded Syrian society and allowed the ʿaskerī class to gain the initiative. Such a change is evidenced by Damascus’s turn toward the Soviet Union for arms as well as other state-building materials. The inability of these two competing internal networks to resolve their differences throughout the Cold War resulted in political dysfunction throughout the Cold War era. The ascent of Gamal ʿAbd al-Nasser to power with the creation of the United Arab Republic in 1958 proved a temporary abeyance in this struggle, but a final resolution came only much later when Hafez al-Assad became leader in 1970.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"69 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886513","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41883339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The First Oil Shock? Nixon, Congress, and the 1973 Petroleum Crisis","authors":"Jordan Cohen","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1886501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886501","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article investigates whether the United States had prior knowledge of the 1973 oil crisis instituted by Arab countries in 1973. It argues, using predominantly primary source documents, that as early as 1971, Washington understood the Arab nations were willing to use oil as an economic weapon. Furthermore, government officials had drafted contingency plans to ameliorate the enormous deleterious economic impact. Unfortunately, the gridlocked Congress and the erosion of executive power associated with the unfolding of the Watergate scandal thwarted any possibility of the Nixon Administration’s economic response to these developments being implemented. This article contributes new primary source research and contextualizes the crisis within the framework of a gridlocked Congress to add to the existing debate concerning America’s preparations for and failure to respond to the 1973 oil crisis.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"49 - 68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886501","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46431782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Christian (Second-Order) Minorities and the Struggle for the Homeland: The Assyrian Democratic Movement in Iraq and the Nineveh Plains Protection Units","authors":"G. Kruczek","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1886521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886521","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article explores how a second-order minority, northern Iraq’s Christians, mobilized to protect homelands during state breakdown and state recalibration. It examines how an Iraqi Christian political party, the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), responded to the rise and spread of the Islamic State. More specifically, it analyzes the ADM’s creation of a self-defense force, the Nineveh Plains Protection Units (NPU), and how the party positioned itself for the post-conflict state. Ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Iraq combined with existing primary and secondary sources reveals a detailed process whereby notions of historic homelands were manipulated around security threats and a legacy of distrust of both the central government and Kurdistan Regional Government to drive mobilization. The name “Nineveh Plains Protection Units” also served a strategic purpose. A territorial-based identity connected contemporary Christians to an ancient Mesopotamian past. Combined with a shared Christian faith, this served to supersede intragroup/sectarian cleavages and “the ethnic Assyrian debate” without rejecting them. It also acted as a bridge to the country’s other ethno-sectarian groups, finding a way to assert Assyrian and Christian belonging within and to Iraq. Nevertheless, mobilization and the long-term goal of self-determination in the Nineveh Plain were both ultimately contingent upon allying with either Baghdad or Erbil. Although the ADM chose Baghdad, it was left alone to navigate the Nineveh Plain’s position within the Kurdistan independence referendum.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"93 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1886521","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41917656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Fred Donner and Tilman Nagel on Muslims and Believers","authors":"Joseph S. Spoerl","doi":"10.1080/21520844.2021.1864199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1864199","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Fred Donner contends that Muḥammad (c. 570–632) led an ecumenical movement of “believers,” a term used frequently in the Qur’ān which Donner defines as a generic term that included Jews and Christians as well as former polytheists who followed Muḥammad’s newly-proclaimed koranic prescriptions. In Donner’s view, only several generations after Muḥammad’s death did this movement come to call itself “Islam” and its members “Muslims” in the sense of a confessional identity over and against Judaism and Christianity. Tilman Nagel argues, to the contrary, that Muḥammad’s movement was neither ecumenical nor inclusive and that it had a distinct confessional identity from the outset with which it self-consciously set itself apart from Judaism and Christianity. For Nagel, “believers” are a subset of Muslims, which was distinguished by their willingness to wage religious war under Muḥammad’s command against polytheists, Jews, and Christians. Nagel’s understanding of the Muslim/believer distinction better accords with the relevant koranic verses than does Donner’s. It also accords far better with the earliest biographies of Muḥammad. Moreover, Nagel’s thesis accounts for all of the data that Donner’s thesis seeks to explain without raising the further problems that plague Donner’s revisionism.","PeriodicalId":37893,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Middle East and Africa","volume":"12 1","pages":"1 - 18"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21520844.2021.1864199","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45768506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}