{"title":"Wh+To Non-Restrictive Clauses in Polish and Related Phenomena. Part Two: Establishing the Role of to in Appositive Clauses, Adverbials and Interrogatives","authors":"J. Linde-Usiekniewicz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.017.11082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.017.11082","url":null,"abstract":"Wh+To Non-Restrictive Clauses in Polish and Related Phenomena. Part Two: Establishing the Role of to in Appositive Clauses, Adverbials and Interrogatives","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45409122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Timing is Everything! On Derivational Complexity and Multiple Workspaces","authors":"Marijana Marelj","doi":"10.4467/23005920SPL.19.003.10283","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.19.003.10283","url":null,"abstract":"Under any derivational approach, syntactic computations proceed from more complex to less complex domains. Though such multiple workspaces get to be resolved into a single – matrix – workspace, the issue of timing– i.e. the point when multiple workspaces must resolve to a single derivational space has not been addressed in the literature. I argue that not only the direction, but also the timing of syntactic computations is guided by a more general requirement to reduce the computational complexity and I propose Multiple Workspaces Earliness Hypothesis to address this issue. On the empirical side, the technical apparatus and the analysis I propose allow me to capture the seemingly contradictory binding facts involving locative PPs as well as to treat adjuncts as relation, rather than absolute notions.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46860281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"On the Adverbialization of Polish Indefinite Quantifiers of Nominal Origin: A Diachronic Study of Trochę ‘a bit’, Odrobinę ‘a bit’, and Masę ‘a lot’","authors":"D. Herda","doi":"10.4467/23005920SPL.19.002.10282","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920SPL.19.002.10282","url":null,"abstract":"On the Adverbialization of Polish Indefinite Quantifiers of Nominal Origin: A Diachronic Study of Troche ‘a bit’, Odrobine ‘a bit’, and Mase ‘a lot’","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46748673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Agreement of Structural Obliques Parameter. Pseudopartitives, DOM and partitive articles in Romance","authors":"M. R. Manzini","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.005.10985","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.005.10985","url":null,"abstract":"The core proposal of this contribution is that in [P DP] or [K DP] structures, where K, P are oblique prepositions or cases, either P/K or DP can label the resulting constituent. If PP/KP is the resulting label, the constituent does not provide a goal for Agree. If DP is the resulting label, the constituent behaves like any other DP, providing a goal for Agree. This is what we call the agreement parameter for structural obliques. Inherent obliques, i.e. those selected by a predicate, obligatorily project as PP/KP. In section 1 we use this hypothesis to explain variation in the agreement pattern of pseudopartitives, in section 2 we institue a parallelism with Differential Object Marking (DOM). In section 3, we illustrate a consequence of the same labelling algorithm independent of agreement, arguing that so-called Romance partitive articles include the partitive preposition di ‘of ’, but at the same time project as DPs.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70991948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Wh+To Non-Restrictive Clauses in Polish and Related Phenomena. Part One. Wh vs. Wh-to Relative Clauses: An Overview","authors":"J. Linde-Usiekniewicz","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.015.11080","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.015.11080","url":null,"abstract":"1 Abstract This paper presents a comparison between to -bearing relative clauses, adverbials and interrogatives on the one hand, vs. their to -less variants on the other, and discusses the functions associated with the presence of to. It is argued that at least three different instances of to should be distinguished. One converts relative clauses into appositive ones, which are necessarily semantically connected to the matrix clause and it makes the semantic connec-tion override even apparent lack of appropriate syntactic connection. It attaches to relativizers, including gdzie ‘where’ and kiedy ‘when’ relative clauses. It is argued that the same segment is present in adverbials, triggering a factitive presupposition, as is the case of appositive relatives generally. The second to links the content of a kind relative, an adverbial or a wh -interrogative to previous contexts, possibly triggering a pragmatic presupposition. The third converts standard wh -interrogatives into either rhetorical or thetic questions. It is argued that while in the third instance we are dealing with a separate word and in the second with a clitic, the first to , hitherto unidentified or possibly falsely identified in relevant literature, appears to have both some characteristics of a clitic and of an","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"3rd Person Needs Licensing Too: Examining the se/suu Connection","authors":"Gurmeet Kaur, Louise Raynaud","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.004.10984","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.004.10984","url":null,"abstract":"This paper introduces two instances of person effects with 3 rd person items – the reflexive clitic se in French and the non-honorific clitic pronoun suu in Punjabi. Examining the properties of these items, we argue against the phi-feature based accounts of person licensing. Instead, we re-conceptualize it as a syntactico-semantic phenomenon, which requires a pronominal to be contextually-anchored via a feature labeled [F]. More globally, this paper attempts to work out the special status of person and articulate why person requires special licensing in grammar.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Semantics of still and the Modification of Polish Adnominal Participles","authors":"Sławomir Zdziebko","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.008.10988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.008.10988","url":null,"abstract":"Polish adnominal participles accept a wide range of event modifiers except when they are additionally modified by focus or phase particles corresponding to still . The paper argues that the semantic contribution of still is incompatible with the change-of-state component of the meaning of participles. While still presupposes that the property denoted by the participle holds over the initial proper subinterval during which the focalized state holds, the measure-of-change function found in resultative participles entails that the relevant subinterval corresponds to the change of state over which the relevant property does not hold yet. The participles modifiable by still are argued to lack the change-of-state component.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Evidence for the Relevance of Secondary Stress in German: Prosodic Restrictions in Verbal Prefixation with ver-","authors":"B. Vogt","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.010.10990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.010.10990","url":null,"abstract":"This contribution deals with secondary stress in Modern Standard German (MSG) and its relevance in affixation using the verbal prefix ver -. While the pattern ver +stressed syllable or ver+ schwa is allowed, ver +unstressed syllable is avoided in contemporary German (see also Kaltenbacher 1999). Diachronical data reveals that in earlier stages this prosodic restriction was not as strong as in MSG. The consistency with which verbs with the pattern ver +unstressed syllable are discarded in MSG (confirmed by look-ups in corpora and dictionaries) is a strong argument for the hypothesis that the relinquishment is due to a form of blocking related to the stress properties of the direct base: The affix ver - needs a direct base with some initial prominence, that is with primary or secondary stress. The only (ap-parent) exception to this stress condition is a base containing a schwa syllable which seems to be “invisible” for the stress-seeking prefix. Verbal derivation with the prefix ver - demonstrates that the stress properties of the base have to be taken into account also with regard to secondary stress. The data provided in this paper can count as further evidence for the existence and relevance of secondary stress in Modern Standard German and its interaction with morphology.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Binding and Phasehood in South Slavic Revisited","authors":"S. Franks","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.014.11079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.014.11079","url":null,"abstract":"In a series of works and using a variety of diagnostics, Bošković argues that languages can be divided into those in which nominals project to DP and those in which they do not. Since Bulgarian (and Macedonian) express definiteness morphologically, they would appear to differ from Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (and Slovenian) in counte-nancing DP, but recent work argues that evidence for Bg as a DP-language is not so clear cut. In an attempt to set the record straight about the South Slavic data she describes, this paper addresses the criticisms specifically raised by LaTerza (2016), who explores Despić’s (2009, 2011, 2013) observations about binding and phasehood in BCMS. In revisiting her claims it will be shown that the relevant differences between the South Slavic languages do in fact lend support to the “parameterized DP” account of the different binding possibilities.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Against the Psych Causative Alternation in Polish","authors":"B. Rozwadowska, A. Bondaruk","doi":"10.4467/23005920spl.19.007.10987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4467/23005920spl.19.007.10987","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines Object Experiencer (henceforth, OE)/Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verb alternations in Polish in order to check whether Polish exhibits the causative/ anticausative alternation in the psych domain ( psych causative alternation of Alexiadou and Iordăchioaia 2014, henceforth A&I 2014). The focus is on two types of SE reflexive alternants of OE verbs, i.e., (i) SE forms with an obligatory instrumental case-marked DP derived from stative OE roots, and (ii) SE forms with an optional instrumental DP derived from eventive OE roots. It is argued that in both cases the reflexive SE alternants of either stative or eventive OE verbs have an obligatory or optional instrumental DP which acts as a complement and represents a Target/Subject Matter (henceforth, T/SM, cf. Pesetsky 1995), not a Cause. Therefore, the reflexive OE/SE verb alternation cannot be of the causa-tive/anticausative type. Monovalent reflexive SE verbs, lacking an instrumental DP alto-gether, are unergative (Reinhart 2001), not unaccusative (contra A&I 2014). The overall conclusion reached in the paper is that the psych causative alternation is absent in Polish.","PeriodicalId":37336,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Polish Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70992055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}