Journal of China and International Relations最新文献

{"title":"国际法视角下中国在国际投资中的海外利益维护 —以美国2012年双边投资协定范本为例 / A Discussion of the Protection of China’s Overseas Interests in the International Investment Field from the Perspective of International Law","authors":"Ruichen Song","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.948","url":null,"abstract":"宋瑞琛 【摘要】世界经济一体化使得国际投资成为当今趋势，中国也更加深入地融入国际社会。中国的利益不断向海外延伸，海外利益问题愈发凸显，如何有效维护中国的海外利益成为事关中国崛起和中国发展与世界关系的重大问题。国际法作为规范和调整国家间利益的重要法律形式，能够为中国海外利益的维护提供合法性依据和制度保障。本文以美国2012年双边投资协定范本为例，分析中国在中美双边投资协定谈判中面临的海外利益风险，为中国在国际投资中维护海外利益提出可行性路径。 The world’s economic integration has caused international investment to be a trend today. Like other countries, China is also deeply integrated into the international society. Along with the expanding of China’s overseas interests, related problems are emerging. How to protect China’s overseas interests has become a matter for thought following the rise of China and the changing relationship between China and other countries. As one of the important legal foundations for adjusting the behavior of countries, international law can provide a legitimate basis and institutional guarantee for China to protect its overseas interests. This paper, taking 2012 Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) as an example, analyzes the overseas interests risks China faces in negotiating the BIT with the U.S. and suggests feasible solutions in order to protect China’s overseas interests regarding international investments.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"公共外交与中国海外利益保护：理论图示与研究议程 / Public Diplomacy and Protection of China’s Overseas Interests: Theoretical Exposition and Research Agenda","authors":"Wei Chen","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.938","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.938","url":null,"abstract":"陈维  【摘要】党的十八大报告多次强调海外利益保护，并首次提出“我们将扎实推进公共外交和人文交流，维护我国海外合法权益”，这是对我国现阶段公共外交目标的明确界定。本文尝试在界定中国海外利益的分类和特征的基础上，梳理公共外交与海外利益保护之间的逻辑关系，指出国家形象不是公共外交的目的，而是通过公共外交实现中国海外利益保护的重要手段。要实现海外利益保护的战略目标，在理论上应当区分国家形象的四个向度，即可信度、合法性、美誉度和吸引力，使之分别对应海外安全利益、海外政治利益、海外经济利益和海外文化利益的保护，并在实际操作中有不同侧重，进而提出公共外交与中国海外利益保护的研究议程。 The Chinese Communist Party’s 18th Congress report repeatedly emphasizes the issue of the protection of overseas interests and for the first time raises the claim that “we will push for public diplomacy and cultural exchanges and safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of our country overseas” which is a clear definition of the objectives of China’s public diplomacy at current stage. This paper attempts to clarify the logical relationship between public diplomacy and the protection of overseas interests by defining the classification and the characteristics of China’s overseas interests. This paper then argues that China’s public diplomacy is facilitating the protection of China’s overseas interests rather than shaping national image. To achieve the strategic goal of protecting the interests overseas, in theory, the national image should include four dimensions, namely credibility, legitimacy, reputation and attractiveness, each of which is concerned with China’s overseas security interests, political interests, economic interests and cultural interests. In practice, different dimensions should be given different degrees of investment and effort, and the research agenda of public diplomacy and the protection of China’s overseas interests should then be advanced.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"2010年以来中美大国博弈态势探析 / An Analysis of the Big Game between China and the United States since 2010","authors":"Hong-Yi Lin, Shuai Zhang","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.935","url":null,"abstract":"林宏宇 张帅 【摘要】本文尝试对2010年以来中美两国在国际安全领域的大国博弈以及由此形成的中国国家安全环境负面化态势做出一个系统阐释。2010年中国GDP首次超过日本，成为仅次于美国的世界第二大经济体，中国崛起不再是国际关系学者的纸上谈兵，而是确确实实的国际关系现状，这种状况客观上打破了东亚国际安全格局的平衡，对已有的安全结构造成有力冲击。深感“权力转移”之忧的美国试图以重返亚太（又称“再平衡”）战略来缓阻中国崛起的势头。此战略客观上极大刺激了东亚地区某些国家借美抗华的念头，它们试图以制造事端来“引美入亚”，希望美国“主持公道”。美国也愿借助这些国家对华挑衅来增强其再平衡战略的效果。面对某些东亚国家对华核心国家利益的挑战，和平崛起的中国不得不严峻应对，其后果是中国落个“四处树敌”、国家安全环境负面化的态势。但中国不会就此终结和平崛起之路，美国也不会轻易放弃其国际霸权，这就意味着中美此轮安全博弈会持续相当长一段时间，可能出现一段相当长时间的安全困境。然而主客观条件决定中美不会爆发新冷战，更不会爆发世界大战。面对挑战，中国不应采取同美国针锋相对的战略，而应在美国不威胁中国核心国家利益与安全的基础上，对内继续坚持以经济建设为中心，对外继续坚持“韬光养晦”和“不结盟”，努力构建中美新型大国关系，走出安全困境。 This paper attempts to make a systematic explanation of the big game that has unfolded between China and the United States since 2010 in the field of international security and led to a deterioration of China’s national security environment. In 2010, the GDP of China surpassed the GDP of Japan for the first time, and China became the second largest economic entity in the world, surpassed only by the U.S. The rise of China was no longer just empty talk of a few scholars in the field of international relations. On the contrary, the rebalancing of international security relations changed and shook the existing security architecture in East Asia. As a consequence, the U.S. tried to use a pivot/rebalancing strategy to corrode China’s rising momentum which objectively stimulated some of the countries in East Asia to oppose China with the help of the U.S. The U.S. also wanted to strengthen its rebalancing strategy’s effectiveness via these countries’ actions. In the face of the challenges from these countries on China’s core national interests, China had to take the consequences seriously. But China will continue to adhere to the path of its peaceful rise whereas the U.S. will not give up its international hegemony easily as well. This means that the Sino-U.S. game will continue for quite a long period of time as will the security dilemma. However, it will not lead to a new cold war, let alone the outbreak of an extensive world war between China and the U.S. In the face of challenges, China should not take on the same strategy as the U.S. Only if the U.S. does not threaten the core national interests and the security of China, China should focus on economics internally and externally adhering to the \"keeping a low profile\" and \"non-alignment\" principles. China should also strive towards building a new type of relationship between China and the U.S. so that the security dilemma can end.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"中国能源安全的海外风险及对策 / Overseas Risks to China’s Energy Security and Potential Countermeasures","authors":"Chi Zhang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.936","url":null,"abstract":"张 弛 【摘要】本文探讨中国能源安全的海外风险并提出对策建议。中国能源安全的主要矛盾是供应安全，关键在于以可承受的价格获得充足的能源供应，可进一步分解为两个要素：一是以合适的价格购买到能源；二是充足、不间断的能源进口。相应地，中国能源安全的海外风险突出表现在国际油价攀升和进口运输安全两方面。在维护能源安全的对策上，现实主义和新自由主义的能源安全观各有长处和不足，应立足中国国情进行扬弃，具体要做好三方面工作，即能源外交、军力发展和战略石油储备。 This article discusses the overseas risks to China’s energy security and provides suggestions for how to safeguard China’s energy security. The key to China’s energy security is supply security. This means obtaining enough and continued energy supply at affordable prices which can be divided into two factors: one is purchasing energy at reasonable prices; the other is having uninterrupted energy import. Accordingly, the major overseas challenges to China’s energy security are the surging international oil prices and the problem of safeguarding energy imports. There are both merits and shortcomings to the energy security concept of realism and that of neo-liberalism. Suggestions for how to secure China’s energy supply should be based on China’s conditions as well as a critique of the two theoretical perspectives and should include three aspects: energy diplomacy, military development and strategic oil reserves.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"全球金融治理视角下的金砖银行研究 / A Study of the BRICS Bank from the Perspective of Global Financial Governance","authors":"B. Peng","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.939","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.939","url":null,"abstract":"彭博  【摘要】全球金融治理体系的变迁，是一部西方发达国家在战后国际政治经济体系中由盛转向相对衰落的历史。战后由美国主导建立起来的国际货币基金组织和世界银行，在全球金融治理领域一直占据着绝对的统治地位。然而，随着2008年全球金融危机的爆发，上述两个机构逐渐暴露其诸多弊端，例如代表性不足，不能对危机做出及时、妥善的反应与处理等，其合法性也日益遭受质疑和挑战。正是在以新兴国家为代表的广大发展中国家的强烈呼吁下，全球金融治理体系历经了几轮改革，但结果依旧不尽如人意。为此，创建一个新的、对原有机制起到补充作用的金融治理机制显得尤为迫切。金砖银行的成立，正是适应了这一历史发展潮流，其对全球金融治理体系的意义主要体现在：使全球金融治理主体更加多元化、能够更好地代表发展中国家的利益、提高以金砖国家为代表的新兴经济体在国际政治经济秩序中的作用和地位。当然，金砖银行同样面临着诸如缺乏领导核心、货币不统一等局限和挑战。 The transition of the global financial governance system is a history of the rise and fall of the Western advanced countries in the post-war international political and economic system. Since the end of the Second World War, the International Monetary Foundation and the World Bank have always taken the dominant role in the field of global financial governance. However, after the beginning of the global financial crisis in 2008, many drawbacks have become apparent concerning these two significant institutions, such as the lack of representatives, the slow and ineffective response to the crisis, etc. Following a strong appeal from the developing countries (with the emerging powers as their representatives), the global financial governance system has experienced several rounds of reforms which have yet to yield acceptable results. Therefore, it is highly necessary to create a new institution which can play a complementary role in the existing financial governance system rather than overthrow it. Complying with the tide of history, the official establishment of the BRICS Bank can be of great significance to the reform of current global financial governance systems such as diversifying the global financial governance bodies, representing the interests of developing countries in a better way, enhancing the status and improving the importance of emerging economies in the international political and economic order. Admittedly, the BRICS Bank also faces great challenges and limits such as the lack of a core leadership and the absence of a unified currency, etc.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"自主开发与国际市场：新格局下的中国页岩气战略 / Self-Development and International Market: A Strategy for China’s Shale Gas Revolution","authors":"Xinyi Yuan, Kai Qi","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.940","url":null,"abstract":"员欣依 戚凯 【摘要】近年来，美国本土的页岩气开采呈现了迅猛增长的势态，在此背景之下，国际能源格局开始出现了战略性的新变化。与此同时，受美国巨大成功的启发与刺激，中国也有意掀起页岩气的勘探与开发热潮，政府部门及油气生产企业对页岩气开发抱有较高的期待，学界也开始对此予以了较多的关注。在信心和乐观之下，我们必须注意仍然要保持应有的冷静思考的态度和能力，既要关注页岩气大规模开发背后带有的高度的复杂性和风险，又要注意具有战略意义的页岩气资源必须受到应有的重视和必要的开发。同时坚持长期的自主开发战略和近期的利用国际市场战略，将是一种较为明智的选择。 In recent years, the shale gas production in the U.S. has experienced a rapid development due to new features in the international energy structure. Inspired by American success, China intended to set off a similar shale gas revolution. The government, industries and academic world paid increasing attention to this issue. On one hand, we may be confident and stay optimistic about the possible future, on the other hand, we still have to maintain prudence and reason. A large-scale exploitation of shale gas often co-exists with unpredictable risks. A comprehensive deployment of long-term and short term developments would be more reliable as well as safer for China’s energy security.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"中国侨务公共外交的服务管理模式探析 —基于中国与华人高技术新移民的趋同利益 / An Analysis of the Service Management Patterns of Overseas Chinese Affairs Public Diplomacy","authors":"Feng Lin, Ting Wu","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.937","url":null,"abstract":"林逢春 吴婷  【摘要】 在崛起中国经济与文化的辐射下，以留学生、技术移民为主体的华人高技术新移民同祖籍国——中国的互动不断加强。这些具备“可携带技能”的新移民由于具有跨文化沟通能力和管理、技术而成为中国实施人才强国战略的倚重力量。在这种跨国互动中，华人高技术新移民的利益与中国海外利益存在趋同点，而这种趋同利益可成为中国侨务公共外交制度化的依据。基于高技术新移民的跨国实践及其与中国的趋同利益，结合我国现有的移民管理制度现状，本文提出一种侨务公共外交的机制化服务管理模式：一是依托网络技术，建立与海外高技术新移民的联动机制；二是吸纳高技术移民，建设“外脑”智库；三是创建人才生活保障机制，提高行政服务水平。 Due to China’s economic and cultural rise, the interaction between China and Chinese new high-tech immigrants, most of whom are overseas students and skilled migrants, is being increasingly strengthened. Since the new immigrants owning “portable skills” have the ability to communicate cross-culturally and master advanced technology and management techniques, they play an important role in implementing the strategy of reinvigorating China through human resource development. In this cross-border interaction, the common interests between Chinese new immigrants of high technology and China can be a basis of the institutionalization of overseas Chinese affairs public diplomacy. Based on the transnational practices of new high-tech immigrants and the convergence of interests, and combined with the status of immigration management system, this paper proposes a service management pattern for overseas Chinese affairs public diplomacy: first, to establish a linkage mechanism with new overseas high-tech immigrants relying on the network technology; second, to attract highly skilled immigrants to develop a think tank; last, to create an insurance mechanism for talents improving the level of administrative services.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nationalist Netizens in China: Online Historical Memory","authors":"A. Bislev","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.610","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese government is currently performing a delicate act of balance: attempting to foster a \"healthy\" nationalism among the young generation in China while, at the same time, having to deal with the at times rather loud and uncompromising expression of this nationalism online. By examining examples of online debates on issues of national interest; in this case the Spratly Islands and the animosity between a Chinese and a Japanese child, this article discusses the use of historical imagery in online historical debates and demonstrates a linkage between the version of Chinese history promulgated in the so-called patriotic education campaign and the rhetoric used online. Even though the viewpoints expressed in the two debates vary widely, the central theme of how to deal with China’s past plays a strong role in both debates. I argue that though the Chinese government has been rather successful in promoting this reliance on a certain historical perspective to understand present day China’s place in the world, the online nationalist expressions take on a life of their own partly due to China’s very special internet culture.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988405","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Chinese and Western Interpretations of China's \"Peaceful Development\" Discourse: A Rule-Oriented Constructivist Perspective","authors":"Jing Jing","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.607","url":null,"abstract":"This paper offers a rule-oriented constructivist perspective on understanding the distinct Chinese and western interpretations of China's \"peaceful development\" discourse framework. It takes the correlations of discourse, rules and rule initiated by Nicolas Onuf as an analytical tool to identify the discrepancies between and within the Chinese and western patterns of discourse, rules and rule on this issue. Critical analyses of Chinese and western discourse are provided as a source for understanding the lack of trust between China and the West on China's \"peaceful development\". This methodology, which synthesizes the rule-oriented constructivist perspective and concrete discourse analysis, is an innovated attempt to implement the conventional positivist perspective on this issue.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Greening Africa-China Relations: African Agents Punching Below their Weight?","authors":"N. Aklilu","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.606","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.606","url":null,"abstract":"China is changing the global metabolism of goods and resources. In the last few decades, China has launched an unprecedented and unparalleled economic engagement with Africa. The level of Chinese investment on the continent is still very low relative to its investment in other regions whereas, for many African countries, China has already become the leading trading partner in terms of both import and export business. In fact, China has surpassed the U.S.A. as the single largest trading partner of Africa in 2009. One key area of debate in this evolving relationship has been the growing environmental footprint of the partnership. Unlike in the past, environmental issues have now taken center stage in world politics mainly due to the increasingly daunting challenges nations are confronted with in terms of environmental and climate change crises. It has taken China quite some time to realize that environmental protection is a matter of survival and not a luxury. Hence, the Government of China has been issuing rules, regulations, and guidelines to encourage more sustainable economic development. Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has been vigorously introduced to the business sector since the mid-2000s in an attempt to achieve this objective. The outcome of this policy direction has been positive in that many businesses have been forced to adhere to the strict guidelines; it also reflects burgeoning social activism against pollution and environmental destruction at home. This has, however, had its downside because companies started to expand to regions with poor governance and weak environmental regulations, notably Africa. There is already some evidence that Chinese investment in Africa, if not regulated properly, would repeat the history of pollution in China. This article argues that the limited success that CSR has registered in China could be repeated in Africa only when African states start to engage strategically with rising powers like China. African governments need to strictly enforce environmental policy and empower non-state actors, particularly civil society organizations (CSOs), to actively monitor developments and safeguard the environment.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}