{"title":"NATO-Türkiye Relations: From Irreplaceable Partner to Questionable Ally","authors":"Selin M. Bölme","doi":"10.33067/se.3.2022.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2022.5","url":null,"abstract":"With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in late February 2022, Türkiye’s role in NATO has once again become a topic of intellectual discussion, with many observers arguing that a revival of Russian power would lead to Türkiye’s return to the alliance as a good-standing member, while others questioned the likelihood of such a scenario due to the country’s political transformation. This is not the first time Türkiye’s role within the alliance has become a subject of debate. Türkiye is often described as a valuable and dedicated partner of NATO. Yet, since the beginning of its membership, the country’s role in the alliance has been questioned more than that of any other member state. This article seeks to analyse NATO’s relations with Türkiye and the country’s role within the alliance from a historical perspective. It aims to understand the debates on Türkiye’s role within NATO by focusing on the moments of transformation in relations. The main assumption of this article is that, from the beginning of Türkiye’s membership process, TurkishAmerican relations have been the main determinant of Türkiye-NATO relations. Türkiye’s role, defence, and identity have always been questioned by European members. But these debates on Türkiye had, until as recently as the 2010s, been directed and/or suppressed by the US in accordance with its own interests. The US had been the main supporter of Türkiye in the alliance against the opposition and criticism of Europeans in exchange for Türkiye’s commitment to US policies. While differences on interests and values between the US and Türkiye became more visible after 2010, Türkiye\u0000failed to secure the support of the alliance’s European members to fill the gap left by the waning US support. Indeed, the differences between them grew from security-based issues, to wider, more major identity issues.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116145959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Evolution of the Socio-political Situation of the Republic of Türkiye in the 20th Century – Efforts Towards the Europeanisation of the Society and State","authors":"Danuta Chmielowska","doi":"10.33067/se.3.2022.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2022.1","url":null,"abstract":"The events related to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye contributed to a complete departure from the system of constitutional monarchy in favour of a parliamentary democracy. Owing to the decisions on Europeanisation and implemented reforms, i.e., adopting a Civil Code based on the Swiss code, a Criminal Code refl ecting the Italian code, a Commercial Code underpinned by the German code (1924), and the transition to the Latin alphabet which replaced Arabic (1928), as well as education reforms (1925), women’s suffrage (1934), and the introduction of surnames (1935), etc. the Turkish people became a European society, aware of their rights and obligations. The transition from a singleparty regime to a multi-party period (1946) allowed for democracy to be consolidated. Türkiye’s participation in strictly European and international political and military organisations was of vital signifi cance and turned the country into an extremely important state. Its failed efforts to join the EEC, and, subsequently, the European Union, resulted in Türkiye abandoning its interest in this form of cooperation (1997). The socio-political transformations that took place in the 20th century, highlighted in this article, characterise this dynamically changing period. The evolution of the views of Turkish society was clearly marked in the second half of the 20th century, which led to serious changes in the mindsets of the Turkish people and completely altered the image of the country post-2002, allowing the newly established Justice and Development Party to assume power (2002).","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"97 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131207206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Strategic Base in the Global Supply Chain: Türkiye","authors":"Kenan Aydın","doi":"10.33067/se.3.2022.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2022.6","url":null,"abstract":"Türkiye is becoming a new base in the global supply chain due to its geopolitical position and the cost advantages it provides. Due to the COVID-19 outbreak, logistics problems, especially production and transportation costs, have further strengthened Türkiye’s position in this context. Türkiye’s strategic location, strong logistics infrastructure, costeffective and qualified workforce, along with a liberal investment climate, offer a suitable environment for international companies. Türkiye ranks well\u0000in the World Bank’s Logistics Performance Index, which evaluates countries’ logistics performance in customs, transportation, and infrastructure. Türkiye has served as a bridge between the east and west since historical times. During the Seljuk period, caravanserais and other infrastructure and service areas were established in Anatolia to support commercial activities. The Silk Road, which had an important place until a certain period of the Ottoman Empire, lost its importance due to other developments.\u0000The “One Belt One Road Project” initiated by China, still in progress and planned to be completed in 2049, will make Türkiye even more important in terms of the global supply chain in the next 10 years. İpekyolu follows the northern and southern routes in Anatolia. With China’s “One Belt One Road Project”, the Silk Road will regain its former importance as the “Modern Silk Road”. Chinese President Xi Jinping fi rst mentioned the Land and Sea Silk Road project in one of his speeches in 2013. It has been decided to name these\u0000two projects as the “Belt and Road Initiative-BRI” or the “One Belt One Road-OBOR” project. The word belt constitutes the land route of the project, which includes highways, railways, oil and natural gas pipelines, and infrastructure investments. The word road includes the sea routes covered by the project. The routes of these corridors are provided by multidimensional corridors in the direction of Asia-Europe instead of a single route. Within the scope of this project, many infrastructure investments are made in Türkiye as well. In this study, the cost advantages that Türkiye will provide to the global supply chain will be evaluated due to both its cost and geographical location and the infrastructure investments made.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"1247 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117174483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Türkiye’s Economic Diplomacy: Enhancing the Impact and Coherence of Türkiye’s External Actions as an Emerging Strategy","authors":"M. Özçobanlar","doi":"10.33067/se.3.2022.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2022.7","url":null,"abstract":"This article refers to the economic diplomacy of Türkiye and illustrates some changes during the history of the country’s political and economic diplomacy. The background of the economic diplomacy process has been clarified and detailed information has been included. Bipolar and unipolar periods are analysed within the framework of economic and political diplomacies in their natural state. The development process of the Turkish economic diplomacy strategy is identifi ed during particular periods in Turkish history. The structural transformation of Türkiye as regards its inward-oriented to outward-oriented economic policies has been evaluated. The mechanisms of Türkiye’s multi-directional foreign policy, bilateral trade, and diplomatic relations between Türkiye, the EU and other countries are examined. The role of dependence and interdependence in economics are given in the context of economic globalisation. For this research, the historical methodology has been used. It is suggested that collaborative problem solving with all the institutions involved in economic and political decisions could lead to better outcomes\u0000for the country in the international arena.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116949339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Security in Turkish Politics: An Analysis of the Political Discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan","authors":"A. Szymański","doi":"10.33067/se.3.2022.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2022.3","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of this paper is to investigate two presidential terms in Türkiye in order to compare the place of security in the political discourse of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in particular, and in Turkish politics at this time in general. The mixed methodological approach has been taken in the article. The MAXQDA software program has been used to collect and analyse data from more than 850 of President Erdoğan’s speeches. The key research questions are as follows: how important are the security issues in the political rhetoric of the President? Are there any differences in this regard between Erdoğan’s fi rst and second presidency? Did the state of emergency and introduction of the presidential system make any difference in this regard? What are the reasons for the place of security, as identified in the analysis, in Turkish political discourse and politics?","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134245950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Migration Crisis on the Polish-Belarusian Border (2021–2022) From a Humanitarian and Human Rights Perspective","authors":"J. Balicki","doi":"10.33067/se.2.2022.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.5","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the questions: how should Poland’s policy towards the crisis on the border with Belarus be assessed from the humanitarian and human rights perspective? How should a country, in this case Poland, behave towards those crossing the border of that country, in a situation of deceitful importation and the subsequent use of innocent immigrants refugees as tools for hostile actions against a neighboring state by the authoritarian regime of Belarus? The article also attempts to answer a question about the challenges faced by non-governmental organisations and the important role they play in a situation where state policy is at variance with international law and basic ethical principles whereby human rights are violated. The analysis of the situation on the Polish-Belarusian border, based on the assumption that each state has a duty to protect its border, but at the same time it has a duty to protect human life and to make sure that the law is respected on that border, allows for the conclusion that Polish policy is in conflict with international law and basic ethical principles. The article also shows the challenges faced by civic organisations and the very important role that civic organisations play in this situation.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115298167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Polish Cities and Their Experience in Integration Activities – The Case of Warsaw","authors":"Dominika Wach, M. Pachocka","doi":"10.33067/se.2.2022.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.6","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, the issues of integration – related on the one hand to people referred to as foreigners, immigrants, newcomers, etc. – and on the other hand to host societies – have been gaining importance in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, including Poland. Before the political and socio-economic transformation at the turn of the 1980s and the 1990s, it was a country relatively closed to international migration. Only in the early 1990s did it open up to migration fl ows. That was also the time when the state’s policy in this area had been gradually emerging. The preparations for EU membership enforced the process of developing a national migration policy. Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004 and to the Schengen zone in 2007 saw its full involvement in EU migration governance in terms of internal and external policies, and thus the further europeanisation of national law, public policy, and practices in the field of migration management. Recent years have seen a change in Poland’s migration status, which has now become an emigration-immigration state, and the near future may bring about its transition into a new immigration state, especially in connection with the influx of large numbers of forced migrants from Ukraine since the end of February 2022. At the time of writing, that is mid-2022, Poland does not have a formalised integration policy at the central level. National law provides integration measures only for benefi ciaries of international protection (persons with refugee status and subsidiary protection), which concerns a very small group of foreigners. However, the last two decades have seen increased involvement at the local government level (especially in cities) in integration. This is a process taking place in local communities with the support of other actors such as NGOs, informal associations, or universities. One such example is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, where the largest number of migrants, both voluntary and forced, live. This paper aims to explore the selected practices undertaken by some of Warsaw’s municipal institutions and offi ces, which can be treated as an important part of the local integration policy and which could be a role model for other cities less experienced in immigrant integration.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130962882","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Problem of Otherness: Poland’s Immigration Policy and the Virtues of Parochialism","authors":"Artur Gruszczak","doi":"10.33067/se.2.2022.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.7","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past decade, immigration has been the main driver shaping Poland’s migration policy. This has given rise to the concept and problem of an immigrant as an “other” who should be adjusted to Polish reality. The idea of parochialism is helpful in addressing the matter of the lookingglass self and its consequences for immigration policy. This article aims to interpret Poland’s immigration policy in the context of parochialism and its virtues. It points to the consequences of a migration paradigm shift generated by modernisation and indigenisation. The methodology embraces a theoretical framing of parochialism, an interpretive political analysis approach, a qualitative content analysis, and an interpretation of selected public opinion polls and surveys. The argument developed in this article holds that Poland’s immigration policy after 2015 has been marked by the tendency to favour parochialism as an attitude which captures immigrants in the exclusionary formula of “others”. The mobilisation of the Polish population to oppose the inflow of immigrants is in line with their “domestication” according to ethno-nationalist standards. Such process facilitates the implementation of Poland’s immigration policy by shifting responsibility from the central authorities to local communities.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"220 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131457255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Integration Policy of Immigrants With Particular Emphasis on Ukrainian Children in Poland","authors":"Małgorzata Pacek","doi":"10.33067/se.2.2022.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.3","url":null,"abstract":"Migrations have accompanied humankind for hundreds of years. The journeys made to “pursue bread” as the Polish put it, have been ingrained in historical and social processes taking place on both regional and global scales. Decisions to relocate are frequently underpinned by economic reasons, but political, religious, social or climatic reasons can also be factors. These decisions are taken by adults, but their scope and effects also extend to children. The challenges that these children face come in the form of problems with adaptation, education, and the priority of values, oftentimes – loneliness, a lack of close relations, and a reduced sense of security during their stay in foreign environments. The refugee situation is a specifi c case and a challenge for children. The aim of this article is to highlight the problem of the integration/assimilation of Ukrainian children in Poland who have arrived here as a result of their parents’ informed migration decisions, as well as those who have ended up here as a consequence of the war that Russia has been waging against Ukraine since 24th February 2022.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"100 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131950418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Ukrainian Migration Crisis Caused by the War","authors":"Iryna Gerlach, O. Ryndzak","doi":"10.33067/se.2.2022.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2022.2","url":null,"abstract":"The open Russian military invasion of Ukraine supported by Belarus launched in February 2022 has changed the usual state of affairs and caused the economic, humanitarian, and migration crises. Several millions of Ukrainian people had to move to safer regions of the country, and a significant share of them (mostly women, children, and elderly people) have left abroad in search of safer living conditions, which has become the worst migration crisis since the World War II. Many Ukrainian citizens have been forced to move to Russia. Poland hosts the largest number of Ukrainian citizens among the EU countries (about 60% of all refugees), much less left for Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and Germany. Almost every European country helps Ukraine in some way or another, hosting its residents and providing asylum. The aim of this article is to investigate the tendencies and changes of forced migration in Ukraine in the conditions of war. The collective protection of displaced persons allows immediate assistance to many people in conditions of emergencies and reduces pressure on the system of asylum provision authorities. This decision provides the right to Ukrainians to live, work, and receive assistance in the EU countries avoiding the lingering process of asylum application submission and long waiting for the respective decision. The article highlights the comparison of standards for providing temporary protection of displaced persons in the EU countries that have accepted most of them. Certainly, the situation with the mass movement of people or leaving abroad will have negative consequences for Ukraine. The return of forcibly displaced from Ukraine will depend on what way of legal stay abroad they choose (status of “forced” tourist, refugee, or temporary protection). Moreover, the duration of hostilities and effi ciency and complexity of actions taken by state and local authorities to implement economic and social reforms will have much effect. The article offers various development scenarios for Ukraine and ways and incentives for returning Ukrainian citizens to their Motherland.","PeriodicalId":365693,"journal":{"name":"Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs","volume":"986 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133134608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}