Round Table最新文献

{"title":"The Coronation and a changing Commonwealth","authors":"Philip Murphy","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2244290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2244290","url":null,"abstract":"In Alan Bennett’s play ‘A Question of Attribution’, Queen Elizabeth II complains that whenever she meets anybody, they are always on their best behaviour, ‘And when one is on one’s best behaviour, one isn’t always at one’s best’. The UK’s capital was certainly on its best behaviour over the Coronation weekend. The Metropolitan Police had apparently been primed to come down hard on signs of dissent. Graham Smith, the director of the campaigning group Republic, was arrested and detained along with a number of his colleagues in the process of unloading anti-monarchist placards. It was all a reminder that, although British representatives are apt to take the moral high ground on these issues in Commonwealth gatherings, defending freedom of speech and protest really should begin at home. The Coronation was also a reminder of the way in which the Commonwealth has changed out of all recognition in the 70 years since the previous monarch was crowned. In 1953, there were only eight members, and all but one of them (India) were Realms. Now there are 56, in only 15 of which (including the UK) King Charles remains the sovereign. Despite this, or perhaps because of it, one senses that everyone was a bit more relaxed about matters of protocol and precedence this time around. The Coronation of Elizabeth II was the last great piece of Imperial theatre in the UK, designed in part to project an impression of control over an Empire in which hierarchy was essential to the exercise of power. In that respect, the 1953 crowning mattered to the UK in a way that its 2023 counterpart never could. That’s not to say there were not tensions behind the scenes. In case there were any questions about how dignitaries from Africa should be treated, on 29 April Kenyan president William Ruto complained publicly that he and some of his fellow African representatives at Queen Elizabeth’s funeral the previous September had been ‘loaded into buses like school kids’, whereas Western heads of state had been driven in private cars. Ruto was duly accorded full VIP treatment when he arrived in London just hours before the Coronation was due to begin. But this was relatively small beer compared with some of the jostling for position that accompanied the preparations for the 1953 Coronation. Another difference was that whereas in 1953, the Commonwealth was largely conceived of as something external to the UK, the 2023 ceremony stressed the way in which the King valued the contribution of Britain’s internal Commonwealth diaspora communities. Prominent roles were taken by Baroness Amos and Baroness Benjamin, both of Caribbean heritage, and by Dame Elizabeth Anionwu, whose father was Nigerian. Also prominent in the Coronation","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"442 - 443"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43586627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"“Closing” the March 2020 election saga in Guyana","authors":"Cynthia Barrow-Giles, Ronnie R. F. Yearwood","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2244288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2244288","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"438 - 439"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42188914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Nigeria and the flawed 2023 elections","authors":"Segun Oshewolo, A. Azeez","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219545","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"351 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45211782","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"PAS’s decades of hard work paid off with the Green Wave in Malaysia’s GE15","authors":"Altaf Deviyati","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219531","url":null,"abstract":"The result of Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15) defied the popular pre-election prediction that young voters would vote for progressive parties driven by youthful ideals and that the Malay-based parties vying for the same voter base would struggle to gain traction. Thanks to the implementation of two electoral reforms, the Automatic Voter Registration (AVR), and the lowering of voting age from 21 to 18 (Undi18), young voters constituted the bulk of six million new voters since 2018. While the Malays’ voting patterns were indeed more diverse than those of other groups, the sentiment against the Chinese-dominant Democratic Action Party (DAP), whose image has been smeared as anti-Malays and anti-Islam, was prevalent and appeared to be a unifying factor. The assumption that new young voters would vote for the multiethnic Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH) was a myth. The PanMalaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and its coalition National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) had almost a clean sweep in five Northern and East Coast states of the Peninsula. Ethno-religious campaigning is nothing new, but it increased significantly after the last election in 2018. More Malay-based parties vying for the Peninsular Malay votes – exceeding 50% of the electorate, whose weight was further amplified by malapportionment and gerrymandering of electoral constituencies – meant that each party tried to out-do the other in their Malay-ness. However, when it came to protecting Malays and Islam, PAS had a head start, especially during a time when the Malays had lost their trust in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and did not trust that other Malay-based parties could address the DAP threat. PAS has a clear and consistent faithbased ideology, which in recent years has been intertwined with Malay identity and ethnonationalism. As the constitutional definition of Malay is tied to Islam, PAS easily equated protecting Islam with protecting Malay rights and positioned itself as the logical alternative to UMNO. Both Undi18 and AVR were implemented in December 2021 without any programme of democratic education, which is necessary to nurture a democratic culture. Based on IMAN Research’s sentiment analysis on the GE15, many youths, while being excited to vote, were in general unfamiliar regarding key concepts of democracy, human rights, the Constitution and the rights of minorities etc. In this situation, the immediate understanding on democracy would only be from family members and social media. Social media played a significant role in the campaign for this election, partly because the Covid-19 pandemic had earlier limited public gatherings due to social","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"339 - 340"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44143167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The only way is up: proportions and portfolios for women in cabinet in Malaysia, 2008–2023","authors":"M. Balakrishnan","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219558","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The inclusion of women ministers in cabinet is vital in redistributing political power and increasing participation. However, increasing the number of women ministers is insufficient; the type of portfolios also matters. In Malaysia, following the 14th general election, the number of women ministers almost doubled; this increase survived government turn-overs between 2020–2022, and the 15th general election. Using cabinet composition and budget data, and a customised typology of portfolio salience, this paper analyses women’s cabinet representation between 2008–2023, finding significant improvements after the 15th general election, and identifying imperatives for cabinet formation if participation is to be increased.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"307 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48808618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Politics, poverty and belief: a political memoir","authors":"V. Iyer","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2220552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2220552","url":null,"abstract":"vaccines more freely available’ (p. 140). This story is also personal: Nyabola herself had to go to America to get vaccinated, as Kenya would not be offering her a vaccine, planning to vaccinate only 30% of its population (pp. 117, 139). Nyabola reflects on her European and American ‘supposed colleagues and “partners” gushing effusively about how vaccines had fixed everything’ with no acknowledgement of how different her experience was (p. 116). Following this line of thinking, the book ends with a chapter entitled ‘Necessary, Righteous Rage’ (p. 149). Here, Nyabola argues that ‘Anger is the only appropriate response’ (p. 151) to the way Africa and Africans have been side-lined in research and in the distribution of global vaccines. At the end of reading this book, it is hard to disagree.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"356 - 358"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43328047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Introduction: Hung parliament, coalition government and the rise of the Islamists – Malaysia after the 2022 election","authors":"Chin-Huat Wong","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219522","url":null,"abstract":"Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15) on 19 November 2022 produced a 19-party coalition government led by Anwar Ibrahim, which now controls a two-third parliamentary majority. This government comprises four coalitions: Anwar’s Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH), the once dominant National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN), Sarawak Parties Alliance (Gabungan Parti Sarawak, GPS) with and Sabah People’s Alliance (Gabungan Rakyat Sabah, GRS), which have, respectively, four, four, four and three parties in the Federal Parliament. The coalition also has four standalone parties, Heritage Party (Parti Warisan, Warisan), the youth-based Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA) and two regional parties. GE15 itself has at least four significant implications. First, it led to the fourth peaceful transfer of power since the end of BN’s 61-year rule in 2018, such that Malaysia technically passes Huntington’s test of ‘two consecutive turnovers’ even though her democracy is far from consolidated. Second, it produced a hung parliament right after the election, the first time at the federal level. A hung parliament first emerged after the ‘Sheraton Move’, described in detail elsewhere in this issue, in February 2020, which saw the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Parti Bersatu Pribumi Malaysia, PPBM) leaving PH and installing its president Muhyiddin Yassin as the new Prime Minister. Third, it recorded an unprecedented rise of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) which became the largest single party in Parliament with 19% of seats. Driven by both PAS and Bersatu, the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) is now the sole Opposition with one-third of seats. Fourth, only three of Malaysia’s 13 states had their elections concurrently, ending the conventional vertical and horizontal simultaneity in the election calendar, indicating the decoupling of federal-state politics since 2018. In his opinion piece, Kian-Ming Ong, political scientist at Taylor’s University and exparliamentarian of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), welcomes the intrigues Malaysia’s increasingly competitive and constantly evolving political landscape bring to comparative researchers in at least three areas: ethnically divided societies, democratic change and electoral reform in authoritarian regimes and the dynamics of electoral coalitions.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"207 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48525438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A guarded optimism for sustainability, before and after Malaysia’s GE15","authors":"Yi-Jian Ho","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219538","url":null,"abstract":"While some might see Malaysia’s 15th General Election (GE15) as a critical juncture for political developments or research agendas in Malaysia, my outlook for sustainability and conservation in Malaysia is guarded against the possibilities of not meeting urgent climate change goals, even though there may be better prospects under the new government. GE15 was contested on the primacy of race, religion and regional autonomy, then on issues of corruption and bread-and-butter issues, rendering environment conservation and sustainable development a relatively fringe issue. This is a double-edged sword – progress will come from policy elites, moving at their respective individual paces. This shields them from the vagaries of politics and moral panics, but at the same time, it does not lend a sense of urgency. Coming out of the 14th General Election in 2018, activists were hopeful that the new federal Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan, PH) government would be able to move the behemoth of Malaysia’s government bureaucracy towards better conservation and sustainability policy. The then Minister of Energy, Science, Technology, Environment and Climate Change Yeo Bee Yin had the right moves in planning for energy sector reform towards decarbonisation, increasing public transport usage, eliminating single-use plastics, and also beginning work on a Climate Change Act and an Energy Efficiency and Conservation Act. The bipartisan All-Party Parliamentary Group Malaysia on the Sustainable Development Goals (APPGM-SDG) also was formed in late 2019. My personal experience with the Prime Minister’s Department saw greater openness towards access to information reform (Target SDG 16.10). However, with the emergent COVID-19 crisis and the ‘Sheraton Move’ in February 2020 which led to a 17-month-long new government headed by the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN), these plans were at the very least deprioritised, if not scrapped. Tellingly, the new government no longer had a ministry which featured climate change as a named portfolio. Having said that, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) continue to feature in subsequent government rhetoric and/or official efforts. Malaysia managed to submit its second SDG Voluntary National Review in 2021. The 12th Malaysia Plan, launched under the next government under the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN), has several","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"347 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45912169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Incumbency and patronage politics in Malaysia’s GE15","authors":"T. Yeoh","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219525","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Malaysia’s 15th general election (GE15) in November 2022 took place on the back of a tumultuous period in which the country experienced government alternation several times at federal and state levels from 2018. This article primarily addresses whether incumbency advantages were prevalent, and if so, how and when? Based on interviews and documentary data, the article concludes that, especially in a post-pandemic setting, incumbency mattered. However, Barisan Nasional (BN) experienced a form of ‘unrealised incumbency’. Without institutional reforms, trends in GE15 indicate that patronage and dependence on politicians for welfare gains seem to be a mainstay of Malaysian politics.","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"286 - 306"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48919153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ukraine and the South","authors":"R. Bourne","doi":"10.1080/00358533.2023.2219547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2023.2219547","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35685,"journal":{"name":"Round Table","volume":"112 1","pages":"353 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42045667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}