Hypothekai最新文献

{"title":"Plague of Cyprian: Christians in the Urban Environment in the Era of Persecution and Epidemics","authors":"A. Kargaltsev","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-145-157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-145-157","url":null,"abstract":"Anthropological practices of the ancient city are considered on the example of one of the largest pandemics in Antiquity, called the Plague of Cyprian (the middle of the 3rd century). According to the author, it is the major social upheavals and epidemics that are the most representative for considering not only the general processes in the Roman Empire history, but for providing a lot of information about the city life and the processes associated with it. The Plague of Cyprian is a unique testimony not only to the persecution of the church, but also to its role in the life of society. The study analyzes the beginning of the epidemic and the source base, the chronological framework and scale of the epidemic, including information provided by the new archaeological data, as well as the nature of the disease. At present, there is a considerable research interest in these subjects, which is the reason for the emergence of a large amount of new historiography containing interesting hypotheses regarding the pandemic. The written tradition, which includes Cyprian's treatise \"On Mortality\", specially devoted to the pandemic, as well as the \"Life of Cyprian” compiled by Pontius the Deacon, has been studied in detail. It is noteworthy that evidence of people's behavior during the epidemic, the features of assemblies and prayers for certain categories of believers can serve as an additional source of information about the epidemic. Special attention is paid to the impact of the epidemic on different categories of the population in the Roman Empire. In our opinion, it is with the Plague of Cyprian that the cessation of mass anti-Christian persecutions is connected, the transfer of repressive policies during the reign of Valerian to the clergy, as well as the economic exploitation of Christians, both of low birth, who were sentenced to forced labor, and representatives of the nobility, whose property was confiscated. In the context of slave economy, all this can be considered a clear evidence of the manpower shortages in the Roman Empire, whose population lived in unsanitary and overcrowded conditions. This can be viewed as additional evidence of the course of the epidemic and its spread.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Iatrosophist Zeno and Medical Schools of Alexandria in the Fourth Century","authors":"Michail Vedeshkin","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-105-128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-105-128","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses some aspects of the curriculum of medical schools in Late Antiquity, the status of medical schools and the educational space of Late Antique Alexandria in the fourth century AD. The study focusses on the biography of Iatrosophist Zeno of Cyprus, an erudite, rhetor and one of the most famous teachers of medicine in the fourth century, whose biography the sophist Eunapius of Sardis included in his Lives of Philosophers and Sophists. The author opposes the hypothesis established in historiography by W. K. Wright and M. Civiletti, according to which Zeno died before 336, and puts forward new arguments in favor of the fact that he was identical with the archiater Zeno of Alexandria, with whom in 359-361 the rhetor Libanius and the Emperor Flavius Claudius Julian (the Apostate) corresponded. The chronology of the lives of Zeno’s disciples (Oribasius from Pergamum, Ionicus of Sardis, and Magnus of Nisibis) testifies in favor of the fact that the iatrosophist could not have died before 336. In addition, it can be considered proven that Zeno’s of Cyprus school of was based in Alexandria. A successive occupation of the medical chair in the capital of Egypt by two famous iatrosophists named Zeno is not impossible, but highly improbable. Thus, with a high degree of probability, the correspondent of the rhetor Libanius and the Emperor Julian the Apostate was the same Zeno mentioned by Eunapius of Sardis. In other words, Zeno of Cyprus lived at least until the end of 361 AD. In general, the research results allow us to correct the generally accepted dates of the iatrosophist’s life and provide new arguments in favor of R. Penella and J. Giangrande’s assumption that Zeno of Cyprus and Zeno of Alexandria was one and the same person. In addition, the article provides the author's translation of a letter from Libanius to Zeno that has not been published in Russian yet.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the Role of Research Travel in Medical Education in the 2nd – 3d Centuries AD","authors":"I. Prolygina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-17-39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-17-39","url":null,"abstract":"The role of travel in obtaining medical education in Antiquity is well known from the texts of the “Hippocratic Corpus”. However, the most valuable evidence about this aspect of the medical profession can be found in the texts by Galen of Pergamum (129-210/217), whose works are the main source of this study. Galen's numerous autobiographical notes allow us not only to trace the routes of his voyages, but to uncover their goals as well. After receiving his initial medical education in Pergamum, Galen travelled to Asia Minor, particularly to Mysia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia, attending lectures of famous physicians and philosophers and studying the local traditions of medicine. After that he spent some years in Alexandria. An analysis of a number of texts allows us to conclude that Alexandria in the 2-3 centuries AD was a center for the study of anatomy and commenting on Hippocrates’ texts. To study medicine in this city was considered a necessary stage in the career of a successful physician and a prerequisite for recognition in the profession. Important evidence should also be noted regarding the existing medical specialization in Alexandria, the features of the local dietetics and medicinal substances. An important stage in Galen's medical career was the theoretical and practical study of surgery at the gladiatorial school of Pergamum, where his knowledge was expanded not only with the rules for suturing, but also with hemostatic and wound healing prescriptions. From his extant works on pharmacology (“De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus”, “De compositione medicamentorum per genera”, “De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos”), we know that Galen also visited a number of places in the Eastern Mediterranean: Thrace, Macedonia, Cyprus and even Palestine. The purpose of these journeys was to observe the local climate that affects human health and causes diseases, to study the peculiar properties of the local herbs and minerals, and to collect medicinal substances for his personal apothecary. According to the evidence preserved in one of his latest works, “De indolentia”, Galen managed to collect one of the richest pharmacopoeias of his time and a unique collection of prescriptions that was destroyed by a fire in Rome in 192.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"\"Plague\" in Thucydides and its Impact on Paideia","authors":"A. Mozhajsky","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-129-144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-129-144","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with an epidemic that struck Athens during the Peloponnesian War of 431-404 BC. The main outbreak of the epidemic that developed in two stages occurred in 430-426 BC. Most of the information about the disease in Athens is reported by the historian Thucydides. The article analyzes the names of the disease used by the Athenian historian: νόσος, νόσημα, λοιμός, κακός. A quantitative and contextual analysis of their use was also carried out. Thucydides uses the word λοιμός in a specific way that gives this word an additional meaning of pestilence, what can now be called an epidemic. This is evident from the phrase λοιμώδης νόσος (a pestilent/contagious disease) (Thuc. 1.23.3), which reveals its infectious nature. Another important characteristic of Thucydides' use of the word λοιμός is that three times out of four, Thucydides uses it in the context of an ancient saying. This word and other vocabulary used by Thucydides allow us to assume that the historian was well aware of modern medical terminology reflecting the cutting-edge medical education of that epoch. The author also draws a parallel with the use of this vocabulary by the philosopher Plato, Thucydides’ younger contemporary. The article also considers the tradition of studying this kind of disease as described by Thucydides, with the main trend being a gradual identification of this disease with a variation of typhoid. The latter became possible due to the archaeological material from the Kerameikos excavations, namely, to the study of bone remains found in several collective burials. In the final part of the article, the impact of the epidemic on the Athenian paideia is touched upon: it can probably be seen through the depreciation of the humanistic component of the educational space. The decline in the population, including teachers, and the likely even greater decline in the child population, could not but have a negative impact on the moral state of Attica’s people during the epidemic, which was mentioned by Thucydides. The long-term adverse economic effect further exacerbated the situation, which ultimately resulted in the inhuman destruction of the Boeotian city of Mycalessus in 413 BC. In our opinion, this event can also be viewed as the effects of the disease on the outer paideia as well, because the attackers destroyed the largest school in this Boeotian city.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69435076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Social upbringing and an example of Antiquity in the writings of J.J. Rousseau","authors":"Sergey Zanin","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-236-247","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-236-247","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the influence of Antiquity on J.-J. Rousseau’s ideas of social education. It is noted that Rousseau's interest in Antiquity emerged in childhood and was stimulated by Plutarch's works. In later years, he studied Latin and elements of the ancient Greek language, and translated the works of Tacitus and Seneca into French. Modern scholars place an emphasis on Rousseau's direct acquaintance with the works of ancient authors, in particular, under the influence of the home education that he received from his father, a Geneva watchmaker. At the same time, the article draws attention to the fact that Rousseau's interest in Antiquity coincided with his life choice: he decided to make a career as a writer and composer, and therefore focused on popular examples of creative writing. Montesquieu, Fenelon, Marquis d'Argens introduced ancient themes into the context of literary and academic polemics. Their example was followed by Rousseau, which is convincingly illustrated by the comparative analysis of Fenelon’s Dialogues of the Dead and Prosopopoeia of Fabricius in Rousseau's first Discourse. While retaining the main intention of the great moralist, namely the moral education of society by the writer on the examples of Antiquity, Rousseau rethinks it in the context of his own social anthropology. Antiquity is not an example to follow, but a starting point for a person of his time to think about their own social and cultural identity that is different from the past. Being a writer-moralist and political thinker, Rousseau essentially solved the problem of moral education regarding the perception and assessment of the ancient culture by his contemporaries and society.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45135368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Galen. On bones for beginners","authors":"I. Prolygina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-141-171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-141-171","url":null,"abstract":"The author provides a commented translation of Galen's \"On bones for beginners\".","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43546772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Refiguring Odysseus’ Apologue in Plato’s Protagoras","authors":"Angel Pascual-Martin","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-43-63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-43-63","url":null,"abstract":"The common 4th century B.C. view according to which Homer was regarded as a poet and a wise man, the leading and most honorable, to the point of being considered “the educator of Greece” (Pl. Resp. 606e-607a), is strongly supported by the Pla-tonic dialogues. The works of Plato are the main available source to get to know not only the great pedagogical esteem for Homer, but also the several educational traditions that used or relied on Homeric poetry in Classical Athens. We are certainly used to thinking of Socrates as standing out for contesting or blaming such customs and methods provided by rhapsodes, sophists and common people (Pl. Resp.; Ion; Hp. mi.). But conversely, he is also often depicted quoting, alluding to or remaking on Homeric passages when presenting his own views. Socrates even claims to feel a certain friendship or reverence for the poet and declares to be charmed by contemplating things through him, whom he con-siders to be amongst the few deserving to be called “philosophers” (Pl. Resp. 595b; 607c-d; Phdr. 278b-279b). The puzzling twofold nature of the Socratic attitude towards Homer, coupled with the fact that Plato would become a figure as honored as the poet was, led ancient literary criticism to focus on the Platonic use and sharing of material and techniques proper to Homeric poetry. Works like those of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Maximus of Tyre, Longinus and above all Proclus, not only pointed out the philosopher’s debt to the poet, but even consid-ered him to be an admirer of the Homeric genius unlike anyone else, and whose emulation basically attempted to reach and out-perform the pedagogical power that the legendary poet had (Dion. Hal. Pomp. I, 13; Max. Tyr. Or. 26; [Longinus]; Subl. XIII, 2-3; Procl., In R. VI, 163.13-164.7; 202.7-205.23). With an analogous spirit, studies of contemporary Platonists suggest that the dialogues were shaped using the Homeric text, especially the Odyssey, as a template, and making Socrates ap-pear as going through equivalent experiences to those of Odys-seus’ “νόστος”. With respect to Protagoras, previous attempts focused on explicit references to books X and XI, placing the dispute with the sophist and the events at Callias’ house in the symbolic context of Odysseus’ encounter with Circe and the fol-lowing journey into the underworld. I attempt to bring that read-ing one step further, paying special attention to the narrated character and the dramatic context for the singing of those epi-sodes and the parallel ones in Protagoras. In first place, I consider the whole dialogue refiguring the epi-sode in the Odyssey that works as a dramatic frame for the sing-ing of Odysseus’ past adventures, the arrival at Phaeacia and the reception at Alcinous’ court. I regard Odysseus’ need to sing the Apologue as a call for hospitality to secure a safe passage home, working as a pattern for Socrates’ need of a tale at his own ap-pearance in Athens to fulfill and secure a philosophical education in th","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45990109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Juan Luis Vives on the use of Ancient literature in education","authors":"N. Revyakina","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-214-235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-214-235","url":null,"abstract":"The work “On Education” (De tradendis disciplinis) by the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives (1492/3–1540) is considered from the perspective of the use of ancient literature during the in-itial period of child school training (from 7 to 15 years). Vives’ appreciation of the Latin language, a positive attitude towards teaching Greek at school, and the influence of ancient languages on modern European languages — Italian, Spanish, and French are discussed. The article draws attention to some features in teaching the Latin language that are not characteristic of the hu-manists who preceded Vives and also wrote about school. They are as follows: using the native language as an instrument for mastering Latin at the initial stage of learning, and using modern literature - writers, grammarians, humanists, which helps to learn ancient languages in the subsequent period. These features can be explained by Vives’ epoch when national states were being estab-lished, national languages were strengthening, and pedagogical thinking was developing. The article also examines the issue brought up by Vives himself about the attitude to pagan literature and to some, in Vives’ opinion, morally questionable poets. With all the inconsistency of Vives and the low persuasiveness of his self-censorship, the solution to this problem comes down to se-lecting such authors the study of whose works will protect school students from vices. The article shows that both Latin and Greek literature (works on oratory, poetry, comedy, history, my-thology, etc.) are widely used in teaching. Ancient writings not only form and enrich the language, but also provide versatile knowledge, mainly of humanitarian kind, help to bring up an ed-ucated and cultured person. This is supported by a large survey of over 100 ancient authors, modern writers, scientists, humanists, early medieval writers, “church fathers”, publishers, translators, and commentators provided at the very end of Vives' discussion on education, with brief characteristics of many of them.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44640876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"On the translation of Donatus' Ars Grammatica (I.1-6)","authors":"M. Petrova","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-83-99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-83-99","url":null,"abstract":"The author provides a commented translation of Donatus' Ars Grammatica (I.1-6).","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41979024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Thebes, Amphiaraus and Alcmaeon in Pindar’s Pythian 8: instruction to the winner","authors":"A. Mozhajsky","doi":"10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-172-190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-172-190","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the didactical component of Pindar’s Pythian 8, which includes the Theban mythohistorical line — the plot of “Seven against Thebes” and the Epigoni’s march on Thebes. In this ode, Pindar instructs Aeginet Aristomenes, the winner of the Pythian Games, through Amphiaraus’ prophecy. Glorifying Aristomenes, Pindar instructs him not to become proud beyond measure, not to overstep the bounds, because Hes-ychia can destroy anyone who lets “merciless malice” into his heart, as it happened with Adrastus and his son. At the same time, Pindar compares Aristomenes with the hero Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, emphasizing that the glorious blood of their fathers flows in the veins of both. This interpretation of the fragment from Pind. Pyth. 8.56-60 differs from the traditional one since here Pindar meets not Alcmaeon, but Amphiaraus, receiving a prophecy from the latter. It is Amphiaraus who is called Pindar’s \"neighbor\" and the “guardian” of the Thebans’ possessions. In our opinion, Amphiaraus appears to Pindar in Delphi or on the way to Delphi. This interpretation is based on a comparison of Pindar’s text with a fragment from Herodotus (Hdt. 8.134.1-2), as well as on paleotopographic, archaeological and epigraphic studies. Considering that there is no information about the cult of Alcmaeon in Thebes and in Aegina at the moment, it seems like-ly that Pindar implies his meeting with Amphiaraus, whose sanc-tuary was located, according to a number of scholars, including the author of the article, near Thebes. However, according to He-rodotus who stated that the Thebans could not inquire the oracle of Amphiaraus in this sanctuary, and also on the basis of the pos-sible location of this sanctuary off the road to Delphi, it is sug-gested that Amphiaraus appeared to Pindar not at Amphiareum.","PeriodicalId":32993,"journal":{"name":"Hypothekai","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44413794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}