Historia i Polityka最新文献

{"title":"Jabin T. Jacob, Hoang The Anh (red.). China’s Search for ‘National Rejuvenation’. Domestic and Foreign Policies under Xi Jinping, Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore 2020, ss. 237","authors":"M. Dahl","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.010","url":null,"abstract":"recenzja","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41434125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Węzłowe elementy relacji polsko-amerykańskich w świetle analizy ramowania","authors":"K. Matysek","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.005","url":null,"abstract":"Celem tego artykułu jest przedstawienie tematów poruszanych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich podczas debaty parlamentarnej odbywającej się po exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz porównanie jej do treści zawartych w programach wyborczych polskich partii politycznych. Podstawową metodą badawczą użytą na potrzeby tego artykułu jest analiza zawartości oraz ramowanie (framing analysis). Objęto nimi exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych oraz programy polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do relacji polsko-amerykańskich. Ma ona na celu porównanie i skonfrontowanie treści i tematów poruszanych w programach partii z treścią i tematami poruszanymi przez ministra spraw zagranicznych w corocznej informacji rządu.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44071446","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ewolucja stosunków handlowych i umownych Polski z krajami EWG w latach 1960–1990","authors":"Zbigniew Klimiuk","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.007","url":null,"abstract":"Artykuł analizuje kolejne etapy stosunków handlowych i umownych Polski z krajami EWG od momentu powstania tej organizacji. Stosunki Polski z EWG w latach 60. i 70. XX w. pozostawały pod dużym wpływem czynników politycznych. Mniejsza rola przypadała uwarunkowaniom ekonomicznym. W handlu Wschód–Zachód występowały silne ograniczenia, m.in. strategiczne ograniczenia eksportowe, ograniczenia kredytowe oraz stosowane przez kraje EWG ograniczenia ilościowe importu z krajów socjalistycznych. Polskie kontakty z EWG, zwane w odróżnieniu od oficjalnych – technicznymi, rozpoczęły się w 1964 r. W handlu Wspólnoty Polska odgrywała historycznie niewielką rolę i nie miała dla EWG istotnego znaczenia. Udział Polski w globalnym imporcie państw Wspólnoty w 1988 r. wynosił tylko 0,23%. Po podpisaniu w 1989 r. umowy handlowej między Polską a Wspólnotą Europejską rząd polski podjął starania o nawiązanie maksymalnie szerokiej współpracy z EWG.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44676272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Russian-Israeli Relations during the Reign of Prime Minister Netanyahu: Abrasive Friendship or Realpolitik?","authors":"P. Bielicki","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.011","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of my interest is to present the most important determinants of relations between the Russian Federation and Israel. The main purpose of this paper is to describe the current state of affairs in mutual contacts and their importance for international security. In addition, it will be important to try to answer the question of whether Russia will continue to play an important role as an economic and political partner of Israel in the near future, in the face of the gradual containment of the Syrian conflict. \u0000At the beginning, I intend to refer to the history of relations of both countries, dating back to the time of the existence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the breaking of diplomatic relations after the Six-Day War in June 1967. In the following part of the discussion, I present the relations of both entities immediately after the collapse of the Soviet empire and coming to power of Vladimir Putin, who from the beginning of his term in office has sought to significantly improve contacts with Israel. Then, I raise the problem of Moscow-Tel Aviv contacts after Benjamin Netanyahu took over as prime minister again and after the Arab Spring, which implied the conflict in Syria, during which Russia and Israel established cooperation. It will also be important to trace the attitude of the authorities in Tel Aviv to the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine. I would also like to refer to the relationship of both entities on the historical and cultural level, as well as on the economic and military level. \u0000In the summary, I highlight future perspectives and try to determine whether the current relations of both countries will intensify in the face of the end of war in Syria, and whether we can observe a close alliance of both countries now and in the future, or a limited partnership, determined by the need to implement real policy in the world.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46181212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Politicisation of Regional Authorities and Its Impact on the Development of Civil Society in Slovakia","authors":"Ewelina Kancik-Kołtun","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.014","url":null,"abstract":"The paper is an attempt to answer the question to what extent the local government at the regional level in Slovakia is dominated by political parties, and to what extent by independent politicians. The subject of the study are the results of the 2017 local government elections at the regional level and their analysis. The main goal of the paper is to provide a comprehensive, statistical and comparative presentation of the regional election results in Slovakia and show the degree of local authorities’ party-dependency. The secondary objective is to examine how the politicisation of local government influences the development of civil society. An attempt is also made to determine how political competition at the local government level looks like, and whether local entities effectively compete with political parties.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46410249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Krzysztof Karczewski, In Trump We Trust. Stosunek Aleksandra Dugina do Donalda Trumpa i jego wizji Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2020, pp. 201","authors":"Kamila Rezmer-Płotka","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.020","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>review</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45872583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Blame Game: Narratives of Electoral Defeat and Party Change. The Case of Four Polish Political Parties","authors":"Maciej Bachryj-Krzywaźnia","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.015","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the article is to present party elites’ narratives about electoral defeat in order to identify characteristics of the narratives which may inhibit or facilitate party change. The opening sections explain theoretical approach and methodology adopted for the research. The next paragraphs reconstruct and compare narratives of four Polish political parties, which experienced electoral defeat in 2011 and 2015 parliamentary elections, and give a psychological explanation for their emergence. As a result, four narrative strategies were identified of which only one seems to have potential to facilitate party change. Its distinctive feature is internalization of blame, whereas the others reveal tendency to denial or personalize and externalize blame.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49500149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Future War: The Russian Perspective","authors":"Natalia Olszanecka","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.012","url":null,"abstract":"In a multipolar world, military security issues still occupy a key place in the public debate. Military technology is one of the most developing sectors in the world. There is no doubt that the United States and the People’s Republic of China have dominated this sector in recent years. The Russian defense industry is associated with outdated equipment, technology and corruption. Nevertheless, recent conflicts show that the Russian Federation has mastered the elements of information war. “New war” theory was advanced by Mary Kaldor to characterize warfare in the post-Cold War era. According to newest research, nowadays military conflicts employ some elements of both conventional and cybernetic combat, while military operations are supported by domestic and international propaganda. The main goal of this article is to determine what type of conflict is contemporary Russia preparing for and in what ways.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44953785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Economic and Political Reconstruction and Development of FRG in the Period after World War II","authors":"Mariusz Janik","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.018","url":null,"abstract":"In the first post-war years, the policy of the Western occupying powers towards Germany was aimed at preventing the economic revival of their former formidable competitor. As a result of these efforts, West Germany rebuilt its economy to the pre-war level later than Great Britain or France. The undoubted shift in the economic development of West Germany began in mid-1948. The impetus for the rapid growth of industrial production was the monetary reform carried out by the Western occupying powers, as well as the inflow of funds under the Marshall Plan. The monetary reform carried out in June 1948 favoured the strengthening of the financial market and was an incentive to invest. The influx of capital under the Marshall Plan had a similar impact on the West Germany’s economy during this period. The western zones of Germany played a special role in this plan. The United States, striving to strengthen its position in these zones as much as possible and use them as a strategic base (aimed, inter alia, against the communist bloc), provided West Germany with a sum of loans and subsidies significantly exceeding the amount of aid provided to other Western European countries. An extremely serious burden for the Western occupation zones was the influx of refugees from neighbouring areas (a total of about 10 million people) and the need to maintain the occupation troops, which directly led to a huge deficit in food resources. Agricultural production fell and ranged only from 66% to 75% of the pre-war production level.","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46124802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"From the “Paris Agreement” to the “London Pact”: Political Aspects of the Democratisation of Poland’s April Constitution of 1935","authors":"Stanisław Kilian","doi":"10.12775/hip.2021.016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.016","url":null,"abstract":"In the history of Poland’s April Constitution of 1935, there were two attempts to democratise it, the first one in November 1939 referred to as the “Paris agreement” and the other one in September 1950 included in the formula of the “London pact”, both of which concerned the ways of implementing Article 13 defining the scope of the President’s personal powers. The “Paris agreement” introduced into political life the practice of consultation between the President and the Prime Minister; the “London pact” provided for a thorough change in the nature of the President’s relations with the Government and the planned Parliament-in-exile called the Council of National Unity, as well as strengthened the role of the political parties in political decision-making. Motivated by the notion of the modernisation of the Constitution and its adjustment to the democratic standards of Western states, the postulate to democratise it was put forward by established political actors, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) and the National Party (SN), supported by the Independence and Democracy (NiD) party founded in exile. Appearing together as the Political Council, they took part in negotiations on the formation of a government of national unity after the death of Prime Minister T. Tomaszewski. Representatives of the Polish People’s Party did not take part in the talks; its leader, Stanisław Mikołajczyk, rejected the April Constitution “in its entirety”. The “pact” did not gain the approval of the “Castle”: the President defended the Constitution and did not accept concessions as regards Article 13. Nevertheless, the postulates of the “pact” were not nullified as they were used to build a new political construction – the National Unity – from 1954 functioning in parallel to the presidential centre. Due to the importance of the issue, the negotiations can be regarded as a breakthrough event in the political life of the émigré community. It is no exaggeration to say that the roots of the most important political events in the life of the émigré milieu go back to the “London pact”. \u0000The research goal of this article is to bring to light the political aspects of the initiative motivated by the idea of democratising the April Constitution, expressed in the formula of the “London pact”, against the background of the hypothesis that the leaders of the Political Council, behind the screen of their demand for the modernisation of the political system, aimed at weakening the position of the President as an obstacle on the way to building a new political centre – the Unity camp. They used the stage of negotiations based on the demands of the “pact” to orchestrate an anti-presidential propaganda campaign and to portray Zaleski as an opponent of the notion of unity. At the same time, they promoted the false premise that the democratisation of political life would help unblock the channels of émigré diplomacy and change the position of the Polish cause in the international arena. In th","PeriodicalId":32494,"journal":{"name":"Historia i Polityka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45422904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}