{"title":"¿POR QUÉ LOS BROKERS PERSIGUEN BIENES Y SERVICIOS PÚBLICOS? ANÁLISIS ETNOGRÁFICO DE DOS CASOS DE LA PERIFERIA DE BUENOS AIRES (ARGENTINA)","authors":"P. Besana","doi":"10.26851/rucp.28.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26851/rucp.28.5","url":null,"abstract":"espanolSegun expertos, los brokers se involucran exclusivamente en intercambios discrecionales de favores por apoyo politico entre patrones politicos y clientes. Para que el intercambio se concrete es necesario que los favores no sean de goce publico, sino que beneficien solo a quienes esten dispuestos a prestar su apoyo politico a cambio. No obstante, este estudio etnografico muestra como dos brokers persiguen bienes y servicios publicos e, incluso, lideran protestas sociales en demanda por ellos. Se sugiere que estos no son casos excepcionales, sino que los brokers tienen incentivos para hacerlo porque en su mayoria son vecinos de sus clientes y sufren tanto como ellos la falta de acceso a bienes y servicios publicos EnglishAccording to experts, broker exclusively involves in discretionary exchange of favors for political support between political patrons and clients. For the exchange to take place, favors should not be of public benefit, but only for those who are willing to lend their political support in return. However, this ethnographic stud shows how two brokers usually seek public goods and services and even lead social protests in demand for them. It is suggested that these are not exceptional cases, since brokers have incentives to do so because they are mostly neighbors of their clients and suffer as much as they, lack of access to public goods and services","PeriodicalId":30990,"journal":{"name":"Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Politica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43898706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CANNABIS MEDICINAL EN ARGENTINA: CAMBIO MENOR EN EL SUBSISTEMA DE POLÍTICA DE DROGAS","authors":"Virginia Labiano","doi":"10.26851/RUCP.28.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26851/RUCP.28.2","url":null,"abstract":"espanolDesde hace casi 30 anos diferentes actores han buscado modificar la ley 23737 que define la politica de drogas en Argentina; se han presentado sin exito una veintena de proyectos en la Camara de Diputados. En marzo de 2017, a traves de un rapido proceso legislativo, se aprueba la ley 27350, que esta¬blece la regulacion del cannabis para uso medicinal. El presente articulo utiliza el marco de las coaliciones promotoras de Paul Sabatier y Hank Jenkins-Smith para aproximarse teoricamente a este cambio menor en la politica. Se argumenta que esta novedad puede ser explicada como resultado de una pugna entre dos coaliciones con diferentes sistemas de creencias respecto del problema y la politica: la prohibicionista y la reguladora; esta ultima articulara con una tercera coalicion —la medicinal— para lograr un cambio de tipo cognitivo en el subsistema de la politica EnglishFor almost 30 years, different actors have sought to modify law 23,737 that determines drug policy in Argentina; more than twenty projects have been presented at the Chamber of Deputies without success. In March 2017, through a quick legislative process, law 27,350 is approved establishing the regulation of cannabis for medicinal use. This article uses Paul Sabatier and Hank Jenkins-Smith’s Advocacy Coalitions framework to approach theoretically this minor change in politics. It argues that this change can be explained as a result of a struggle between two coalitions with different belief systems regarding the problem and the policy: the prohibitionist and the regulatory; the latter will articulate with a third coalition - the medicinal one - to achieve a cognitive change in the subsystem of politics","PeriodicalId":30990,"journal":{"name":"Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Politica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48635273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"EL PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO EN CHILE Y REPÚBLICA DOMINICANA: ¿ES DETERMINANTE UNA LEY PARA EL FORTALECIMIENTO DE LA DEMOCRACIA PARTICIPATIVA?","authors":"Francisco Garrido, E. Montecinos","doi":"10.26851/RUCP.28.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26851/RUCP.28.3","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEn este articulo se compara el presupuesto participativo en contextos de alta y baja formalizacion legal, como es el caso de Republica Dominicana y Chile. Se aporta evidencia empirica a la tesis sostenida por algunos autores, que senala que los factores determinantes para el desarrollo del presupuesto participativo no tienen que ver necesariamente con aspectos legales, sino que sigue predominando la voluntad politica de alcaldes y el rol activo que juegan organizaciones de la sociedad civil. El principal resultado es que la ley de presupuestos participativos favorece su expansion, pero no provoca profundizacion de los procesos de participacion ciudadana. La metodologia utilizada fue el metodo comparado del diseno del presupuesto participativo, donde se tomo como referencia las variables y dimensiones de comparacion propuestas por Goldfrank (2006) y Cabannes (2004). En base a esas dimensiones se realizaron entrevistas semiestructuradas y revision de fuentes secundarias EnglishIn this paper, the participatory budgeting is compared in contexts of high and low legal formalization, such as the Dominican Republic and Chile. It is argued that the institutional design that they adopt, the type of participation that takes place and the determining factors in their development do not necessarily have to do with legal aspects, but that the political will of mayors and the active role played by organizations of the civil society. The main result is that the law of participatory budgeting favors its expansion but does not cause deepening of citizen participation processes. The methodology used was the Comparative Study of the institutional design of the participatory budget. The data collection tools were the interview and the literature review of the subject","PeriodicalId":30990,"journal":{"name":"Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Politica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47053269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Multiple Streams and couplings in Uruguay: The formation of the Responsible Firearm Ownership Law","authors":"Diego Sanjurjo","doi":"10.26851/rucp.28.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26851/rucp.28.4","url":null,"abstract":"This research adopts theories of the policy process to study changes in gun control policies in Uruguay. The first goal is to explain the little relevance of the gun problematic in the Uruguayan political agenda, as well as the policy decisions that followed and gave way to the 2014 Responsible Firearm Ownership Law. For this purpose, we resort to John Kingdon’s (1995) Multiple Streams Framework and adopt a series of modifications that bring additional variables into the analysis. The evaluation of the conceptual framework in the Uruguayan context supposes the second goal of this research. Despite the challenge, the msf and its modifications were able to decode the studied changes and identify the main factors that explain them.","PeriodicalId":30990,"journal":{"name":"Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Politica","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69144619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}