{"title":"An Alternative Approach to Ideas and Personality: Chinese President Xi Jinping and His Mass-Line Sensibilities","authors":"CHIH-YU Shih","doi":"10.1142/s1013251124500073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251124500073","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses a lacuna in the literature concerning how a ruler’s ideas shape their attitudes toward the world and others through their personality. It examines the political ideas of Chinese President Xi Jinping as his references to the self-in-relation rather than his schema to assess and treat alters-in-relation. In addition to allowing political actors to assess the world and engage in policymaking, personality may inspire them to use ideas conversely to prepare themselves for the acceptance of their perceived constituencies. In terms of Xi Jinping’s evolving personality, an initial need to overcome his individual vulnerability by becoming one with the masses has grown into a quest for transcendence that is informed by the following elements: (1) Buddhism while practicing the Party self; (2) the notion of Confucian harmony for the self-cultivation of Party cadres while practicing the national self; and (3) a socialist sensitivity to the material needs of the disadvantaged while practicing the international self. This has been demonstrated through programs that include his anti-corruption campaigns, his Chinese dream of anti-poverty, and his notion of a shared future of humankind. This paper compares the Kyoto School’s use of Buddhism, Mao’s use of Confucianism, and Pol Pot’s use of Maoism. It also discusses how an autocracy can suffer from involution.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"59 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141348921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Explaining China’s Cautious Responses to the Strategic Choices of the Yoon Administration","authors":"Dongchan Kim","doi":"10.1142/s1013251124500085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251124500085","url":null,"abstract":"The Republic of Korea has long sought to balance its relationship with the United States and China. While the ROK had once experienced retaliation from China when it tried to align closer with the United States, the Yoon Suk-Yeol administration has made a strategic choice to do so openly without suffering any explicit retaliation of the kind that followed the THAAD dispute in 2016. This paper attempts to explain why Beijing is refraining from explicit retaliatory measures against the ROK by analyzing the factors that have constrained China’s choices. It argues that despite evident Chinese concerns over the ROK’s strategic alignment with the United States through groupings like the IPEF and collaboration with NATO, China has not explicitly retaliated against the ROK due to Chinese President Xi Jinping’s personal preoccupation with China’s domestic politics and economic issues in addition to a set of diplomatic priorities that exclude the ROK for the time being and some measure of recognition that retaliation can be counterproductive. This paper concludes by arguing that Beijing will not economically retaliate against the ROK unless it directly infringes on China’s core national interests. While there is a broad range of nominally core national interests where China responds rhetorically, there are fewer over which it retaliates with material measures. Therefore, countries facing potential economic retaliation from China over their foreign policy choices must understand the factors that actually compel China to retaliate economically and determine the extent of this retaliation.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"9 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141348681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Responses of Grassroots Leadership to Rural Environmental Protests in China","authors":"Yeju Kang","doi":"10.1142/s1013251124500024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251124500024","url":null,"abstract":"Focusing on the escalation of environmental protests amid worsening pollution in rural China, this study examines the responses of grassroots authorities to environmental protests. Through an analysis of several cases, it reveals that grassroots leadership suppresses, mediates, and sometimes even leads these movements. Accordingly, I raise the following questions: (1) How does China’s grassroots leadership respond to environmental protests? (2) Why does it choose to lead them? To answer these questions, this study posits local cadres as actors intending to maximize their self-interest within conflicting incentives, reaching the conclusion that under certain conditions, leading a protest can be a better option for their cost-benefit considerations. I argue that the varying behaviors of local cadres are contingent upon two crucial factors: (1) the degree of economic benefits derived from polluting companies; and (2) the degree of social unrest resulting from environmental protests. These factors are pivotal in shaping the economic and political interests of local cadres that influence their responses toward environmental activism.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":" 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141126919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Chinese Diaspora and Its Identity in Southeast Asia: Research Notes from the Perspective of International Politics","authors":"Danny Widiatmo, A. Soetjipto, Raden Maisa Yudono","doi":"10.1142/s1013251124500012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251124500012","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has become complex and multifaceted over the past few decades. The Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia has faced political challenges that pressure acculturation and assimilation, transforming its identity. This critical literature review outlines how Chinese identity in Southeast Asia has been viewed in connection with international relations and global politics. Using a taxonomic approach to scholarly works on the subject, the findings show that Chinese identity in Southeast Asia is a multi-dimensional one composed of diverse and unique community identities. Chinese identity is also viewed as a spectrum that is imagined both by nation-states and the community itself. Consequently, members of the Chinese diaspora are not simply viewed as actors, agents, or political instruments in international politics but also as independent subjects with their own stories and experiences.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":" 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141127047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Critical Analysis of “Divided Nation” Model Applications to China–Taiwan: A Case Study of Germany’s Annexation of Austria in 1938","authors":"James Thompson","doi":"10.1142/s1013251123500091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251123500091","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have argued that “divided nations” (i.e., countries that have split into separate political entities) have distinct characteristics in the international system, and this model has been applied to China–Taiwan relations. Yet, despite ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and historical ties, the current state of cross-Strait relations does not resemble classic cases of the “divided nation” model such as East and West Germany, North and South Vietnam, or North and South Korea, not least because power asymmetry is a major feature of the relationship. China’s largely one-sided demands for “reunification” with Taiwan share more similarities with Germany’s approach to Austria in the 1930s. Both are cases of an aggressor state seeking to annex the territory of a smaller, sovereign neighbor based on a revanchist ideology that stems from perceived notions of “national humiliation” by outside powers and ethno-nationalist ideas of a shared blood community. Germany’s annexation of Austria in 1938 was the result of overwhelming German military power and political decision-making in the dictatorship of the Third Reich rather than ethnic, cultural, or historical ties. Germany’s invasion and occupation of Austria and the transformations of German and Austrian national identity after 1945 show that the “divided nation” model is contingent on historical and ideological subjectivities and not objective, scholarly analysis. Scholars of cross-Strait relations should approach the subject without reference to this model and instead focus on the political struggle between Chinese authoritarianism and Taiwanese democracy on the question of Taiwanese sovereignty in addition to Taiwan’s pivotal role in the great power conflict between the United States and China.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"13 S1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139154502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Chinese Economic Statecraft in Southeast Asia and Its Uneven Impact in Laos and Cambodia","authors":"Nguyen Cong Tung","doi":"10.1142/s101325112350011x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s101325112350011x","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how China has successfully translated its economic might into political clout in Laos and Cambodia. The country’s role as a major trading partner, foreign investor, and provider of aid to both countries has contributed substantially to their national development. This massive influx of Chinese investment and aid has also yielded positive results, as both countries have demonstrated a more accommodating attitude toward Beijing on a variety of issues. However, Chinese economic statecraft has had differing degrees of influence on the foreign policymaking of Laos and Cambodia, particularly with regard to their foreign policies toward Vietnam, a critical secondary state in Southeast Asia. While Cambodia has been less hesitant to bandwagon with China, Laos is still seeking to balance between China and Vietnam. This paper argues that Laos and Cambodia’s existing perceptions of Vietnam dictate in part how they respond to China’s economic inducements and affect the outcomes of Chinese economic statecraft.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"71 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139154010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Reframing China’s Territory and Sovereignty in Cyberspace: Exploring Conceptual Territorialization and Claims of Cyber Sovereignty","authors":"JI-JEN Hwang","doi":"10.1142/s1013251123500121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251123500121","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese government has implemented a range of cyberspace management policies in recent years in an effort to claim what it refers to as its “cyber sovereignty.” Beijing bases this on its understanding of cyberspace as an additional geographical battlefield. This paper investigates how cyberspace may be regarded from this perspective and discusses how the Chinese government endeavors to manage its cyberspace and legitimizes this control through the adoption of cyber laws. The analysis shows that China’s sovereignty claims over cyberspace can be supported by four recognized factors of territorialization. These include authority, cyber culture, functional borders, and individuals. This study illustrates that these sovereignty claims can indeed be justified despite China’s current inability to completely explain them. The territorialization of cyberspace is a complex and evolving issue, however, and finding a way forward will require cooperation and understanding among all the stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"16 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139166329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The United States, the European Union, and China: A Global Triangle of Rivalry and Cooperation","authors":"Edward Haliżak, Aleksandra Jarczewska","doi":"10.1142/s1013251123500078","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251123500078","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the new triangle of relations between the United States, the European Union, and China through the concept of trilateralism from polarity theory. Following this model, we examine the three bilateral relationships of US-China, US–EU, and EU–China that make up this global triangle. Economic relations between the United States and China provide the operational framework for this triangle and should currently be viewed as a cooperative rivalry rather than a traditionally hostile one like that seen in the Cold War. The EU also plays a key role in the triangle due to its strategic autonomy and significance to the other two. We argue that relations in the global US–EU–China triangle can be characterized in terms of cooperation but do not exclude rivalry. These global trilateral relations are marked by flexibility and openness that encourage the development of relations with third countries.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122148189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Quest for Post-Chineseness Among Chinese Indonesian Intellectuals: An Intellectual History Agenda","authors":"Harryanto Aryodiguno, C. Shih","doi":"10.1142/s1013251123500066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s1013251123500066","url":null,"abstract":"Due to the challenge of defining Chineseness, various disciplines can contribute to the subject without a single authority having a monopoly over its scope. Post-Chineseness is an evolving movement that aims to reduce the embarrassment of China scholars at their failure to exchange the methodologies and scopes of their subjects, often rendering them strangers to one another. Recognition is particularly relevant to the study of post-Chineseness. Chineseness is mutually recognized and denied in a variety of ways among both Chinese communities and individuals and in both self-regarded and other-regarded identities. Divergent approaches have created complex behavioral implications and a massive agenda for social science research. An agenda for post-Chineseness can examine these crises in the contemporary social sciences and humanities and has the potential to offer sophistication, recombination, and reconstruction for Chineseness in different contexts. This case study of several Chinese Indonesian intellectuals who have described their identity and connection with China illustrates how an agenda of post-Chineseness can simultaneously explain and deconstruct.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134516683","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abdul Razaque Larik, Shahnawaz Mangi, Syed Majid Ali Shah Bukhari
{"title":"Do Statist Ideology and State-Sponsored Nationalism Intervene in Pakistan’s China Policy? A Neoclassical Realist Perspective","authors":"Abdul Razaque Larik, Shahnawaz Mangi, Syed Majid Ali Shah Bukhari","doi":"10.1142/s101325112350008x","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1142/s101325112350008x","url":null,"abstract":"In its relations with China from 1972 to 2018, Pakistan has endeavored to extract and mobilize its domestic resources while conducting a foreign policy of balancing under systemic pressures and power disparities. Statist ideology and state-sponsored nationalism have been both useful and influential in this process. While there is abundant literature on ideology, nationalism, and Pakistan’s foreign policy using theoretical foundations, a neoclassical realist approach has yet to be made. This paper seeks guidance from neoclassical realist theory as explored in the works of Taliaferro (2006) and Schweller (2004). We argue that Pakistan’s ties with China have been facilitated domestically by an Islamic statist ideology and anti-Indian state-sponsored nationalism. These both have facilitated internal balancing through the extraction and mobilization of natural resources and emulation while externally they justified Pakistan’s balancing efforts aimed at countering a perceived Indian threat. The nation’s military and civil elites therefore agree on the necessity of closer ties with China.","PeriodicalId":274099,"journal":{"name":"Issues & Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125189985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}