Problems of World History最新文献

{"title":"Czech Warriors on the Field of the Battle of Grunwald: Participation and Search for Contacts with Polond and Lithuania-Rus’","authors":"S. Kozak","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-3","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the problem of the participation of soldiers from Bohemia in the events of the Battle of Grunwald, both on the side of the Polish-Lithuanian forces and on the side of the Teutonic Order. The state of research of the topic, its place in the study of Grunwald is outlined. The urgency of studying the Czech military component in the armies of both sides was emphasized, given the need to further debunk the myth of the German danger and the pan-Slavic alliance. The author analyzes which Polish-Lithuanian and Order banners fought Czech mercenaries and names the names of their leaders known from sources. The “Czech” episodes in the work of Jan Dlugosz are analyzed, it is noted that the version of the participation of mercenaries from Bohemia in the battle reflects the negative attitude of the Polish chronicler to the Czech Republic. The issue of participation in the events of the war with the Order of the future leader of the Hussites Jan Žižka was raised, the opinion is defended that he fought in the ranks of the Polish-Lithuanian army. Attention is drawn to the involvement of Lithuanian-Rus’ Prince Zygmunt Korybutovych in the Battle of Grunwald, as well as to his further role in Czech-Rus’ relations in the wake of Hussite events. It is noted that the Battle of Grunwald was a decisive event that influenced the gradual withdrawal of Bohemia from the alliance with the Order, at least for those of its forces who later participated in the Hussite events and established contact with Wladyslaw II Jagiello and Vytautas. An episode of Jan Hus's correspondence with the Polish king is mentioned in the context of how Polish propaganda created the myth of its own peace victory immediately after the war. The author concludes that the events of the Battle of Grunwald partly determined for Bohemia its further geopolitical cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe and contributed to the restoration of communication with Lithuania, Poland and Rus’. At the same time, it was emphasized that Grunwald did not become the final severance of relations with the Order, with which Bohemia, like the Kingdom of Rus’, had had strong ties for centuries.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117319787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Ukrainian Intelligence in 1917-1921: Formation of Civil Position","authors":"T. Shevchyk","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-4","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the activities of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in 1917-1921. The author aims to determine the achievements and losses received by the Ukrainian scientific intelligentsia during 1917-1921. Attention is paid to their contribution to the development of science and culture of the period when the regimes in the Ukrainian lands were constantly changing and power passed from one to another. At the same time, the policies of these regimes differed radically depending on the foreign policy orientation and program principles of their leaders. At the same time, the Ukrainian intelligentsia reacted differently to the change of government. It was made an attempt to divide representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia into groups in accordance with their ideological and ideological orientation. The impact of political changes on key branches of science and culture is explored. It is determined that, on the one hand, the position of scientific institutions was unsatisfactory while cultural branches were revived and developed actively. \u0000The article is written using the principle of systematization, methods of comparison and generalization, structuring and analysis. The scientific novelty of the study is justified by the determination of the factors that influenced the formation of scientific and cultural interpretations of the future existence of the Ukrainian intelligentsia during the Ukrainian revolution on the basis of analyzed historiography and archival materials, as well as identifying major achievements and errors in this information and worldview. The author emphasizes the importance of further scientific research of the problem, because today, despite a certain existing block of work on the topic, there are issues that need further study and reinterpretation.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124901355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Soviet Ukrainian Germanistics in Personal Dimension: Memoirs of Professor Yuri Mytsyk about Anatolii Zavialov","authors":"A. Venher","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-9","url":null,"abstract":"The publication presents the memoirs of professor, Father Yuri Mytsyk about Soviet Ukrainian germanist Anatolii Zavialov. Yuri Mytsyk worked with Anatolii Zavialov at the same department from 1974 till 1989, and from 1975 carried out the duties of his deputy. \u0000Zavialov’s academic life and his teaching career in 1960s-2000s was connected to Dnipropetrovsk university. At that time Zavialov actively studied the contemporary history of the German Democratic Republic, he was the author of many articles, including texts in prominent scientific journals, tutorials and published two monographs. He was one of the few Soviet germanists, who had business trips not only to the German Democratic Republic, but also behind the “Iron Curtain”. Zavialov also had the experience of teaching in the universities abroad. As the head of the department of world history, Zavialov made efforts to form a research direction in historical German studies at the university. The majority of dissertations, defended under his scientific supervision, were devoted to German history of the XXth century. Some of his graduate students-germanists continued their career at the department, and it became possible to create a strong center of German studies and turn the department of world history into a center of historical germanistics. To provide the opportunities to publish research in German history, in 1973 the scientific edition “The Questions of German History” was founded at the department of world history of Dnipropetrovsk national university, later it received the status of inter-university scientific edition. Articles here were published by historians-germanists from Soviet Union and the German Democratic Republic. After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the reunification of Germany, the study of the history of the German Democratic Republic went bankrupt and Zavialov turned to the history of German diaspora in Ukraine. He focused on political history of the German colonies at the beginning of the XXth century and the questions of the history of colonization in civilizational dimension. The last years of the historian`s life were over shadowed by a sharp deterioration of health and decline in scientific activity.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123782734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Rise of the White Serbia in the Light of the Merovingians’ Thuringia Policy","authors":"R. Vatseba","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-2","url":null,"abstract":"The study offers an analytical overview of the international relations in the territory of the Middle Elbe basin from the 530s until the early 8th century, specifically concerned with the policy of the Merovingian kings towards the former Thuringian kingdom lands and the issue of the rise of White Serbia. The author considers Frankish policy as an influencing factor in slavisation of the discussed region while examining the impact of a wider spectrum of possible factors, in particular, the changes in ecology and the Avar presence in the Middle Danube region. The chronology of the Serbian settlers’ arrival into the Middle Elbe valley as well as their political & legal status in that land are specified. The author discusses the issue of the White Serbs’ initial foreign policy orientation and investigates the causes, direction, time & consequences of its change. The main research content is complemented by the excurses on the climatic crisis of the Late Antique Little Ice Age and chosen aspects of the Avars’ & the White Serbs’ early ethnic history. \u0000The author develops W. Fritze’s hypothesis of the Merovingians’ active involvement and support of the Serbian immigration into the Middle Elbe and Saale region together with an idea of anti-Avar direction of this measure. Whereas, the results of the study have rejected the assumptions, that the Elbe Germans abandonment of the area to the east of the Elbe and Saale at the end of the third quarter of the 6th century was caused by the Frankish-Avar agreement or Slavic pressure. The author concludes that the first group of the Serbian settlers arrived to the Middle Elbe and Saale from the North-Western Bohemia during the Austrasian king Theudebert ІІ’s reign, probably, at the invitation of the famous Brunhilda, receiving the lands in Thuringia’s border zone as the Frankish foederati. The interconnection between the initial successes of the Merovingians’ Serbian policy in the east of Thuringia during the first decades of the 7th century and the settlement of the Croats & Serbs in the Balkans by the emperor Heraclius is revealed. It has been demonstrated that further expansion of the White Serbia’s territory from the 630s was of spontaneous nature and took place under the circumstances of the collapsed Merovingian control over Thuringia.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115356940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Lebanese Political Dynasties: “the fine-tuning”","authors":"A. Zelinskyi","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-6","url":null,"abstract":"A small in size, Lebanese Republic is known for it’s a confessional segmentation, a clan orientation and a predominant heredity of the local political elite. A oligarchic nature of a political regime of the country of cedars is due to a traditional clan structure of a lebanese society. For centuries, a leading role in Lebanon was played by the territorial-confessional clans, that wereheaded by the sheikhs–zaims (zuama). This system has migrated to a modern lebanese politics. At the same time, it has the support among both a old one and a new one elite. Therefore, a clear understanding of the involvement of the leaders of the power structures of the Lebanese Republic in a certain political dynasty is necessary for understanding a current state of affairs in the country, as well as to predict the nature of its further political development. \u0000So, the primary criterion, which was determines the sequence of the coverage of the activity of the political dynasties of the country of cedars is the degree of the influence on a today’s Lebanese realities of one or another of the current “zaims”. Based on this principle, we will talk about a a family-clan context of the first three persons of the state: the Prime Minister, the President (Speaker) of the National Assembly and the President of Lebanese Republic, as well as a few of the other leaders of the influential or at least the appreciable political forces, that are represented in parliament, which was elected in 2018 (except of H. Nasrallah and S. Geagea). In particular, the article contains an analysis of the possibilities of the creating the political dynasties by the current Prime Minister N. Mikati and Speaker of Parliament N. Berri, the prospects for a further existence of the newly founded political dynasties of the families of Aoun and al-Hariri, as well as the reasons for a political survival of the hereditary Lebanese zaim families Jumblatt and Frangieh. The main conclusion of this publication is the statement about a prospect of a total preservation of the principle of the nepotism in a lebanese politics for at least the coming decades.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130511937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Regionalism: Problems of Interaction of Border Regions","authors":"S. Tolstov","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-1","url":null,"abstract":"The scientific literature presents various definitions of the concepts of ‘regionalism’, ‘regionalization’ and ‘interregional interaction’. The processes associated with globalization and integration manifest themselves in the form of consolidation of macro-regional ties. The formation of big macroeconomic zones of priority cooperation covers neighbouring and geographically close countries. The consolidation of large economic spaces is accompanied by the creation of regional economic organizations and integration communities aimed at deepening trade, economic cooperation and regional division of labour. \u0000In parallel with the formation of large economic and political regional associations at the macro level, globalization has accelerated the process of diversification of territorial administration functions within individual states. The redistribution of power within individual countries is seen as a parallel process of regionalization at the grassroots level. The signs of regionalism at the micro level include the increasing role of subnational territorial communities, the growth of their interest in establishing closer cooperation with the border territories of neighboring countries. \u0000In the most general sense, the author considers regionalism as a dynamic feature of international political and economic processes, indicated by the diversification of management functions at different levels of socio-political organization. The methodology of political science distinguishes the manifestations of regionalisms at the macro and micro levels. Various manifestations of regionalism are embodied in the design of large economic spaces, the redistribution of power within individual countries, increasing the level of regional self-government, development of interregional contacts and interregional integration ties between neighbouring and/or geographically close countries. \u0000The practice of interregional cooperation is most successfully applied within the framework of multilateral integration associations, primarily in the EU and in the wider European space covered by the scope of European conventions and decisions in the field of spatial cooperation of territorial communities and authorities, including local and regional self-government. Interaction between subnational regions includes the conclusion of agreements between territorial communities of neighbouring countries, the creation of interregional associations and contractual networks of interregional cooperation.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"124 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123194796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Сountering СOVID-19 as a tool for Hybrid Influence of Russia and China on Regional Subsystems of International Relations: European and Asian Dimensions","authors":"O. Shevchuk, I. Tykhonenko","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-7","url":null,"abstract":"In the XXI century the system of international relations has undergone transformations, including non-traditional determinants. This research drew attention to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on modernization of the policies of great powers, which began to use pandemic countermeasures as a tool of their influence on future post-COVID international order. The authors analyze the peculiarities of using “hard power” (economic pressure) and “soft power” (economic aid, cultural interaction), and sometimes a combination of these tools on the example of Russia and China in order to lobby their own position under the pandemic of COVID-19 in the relevant geopolitically close regions – Europe and Southeast Asia. This research analyses all above mentioned peculiarities based on chronological period – at the beginning of pandemic situation in 2020. \u0000It was found that Russia most actively used the effects of the beginning of global pandemic on the European direction of foreign policy, under the impact of energy factor and the formation of the image of “peacemaker” and the role of “messiah” in the region. In the study, Italy is an example of the use of hybrid influence from Russia, the spread of fakes and the presentation of the “weakness” of the EU at the beginning of the pandemic in a rapid political response to the threat. Southeast Asia became the region of Chinese foreign policy in counteracting COVID-19, where China’s “mask diplomacy” acts as a countermeasure to overcome conflict in the South China Sea, form a system of “subordination” and realization the idea of “community of common destiny”. \u0000The findings reveal that Russia and China can be characterized as states that have political regimes with special tools and mechanisms for policy implementation. Beijing and Moscow not only aim to strengthen their influence in neighboring regions, but also to oppose the United States. Analyzing political actions and mechanism that Russia and China used at the beginning of pandemic, the authors confirmed that both countries aim to use “vaccine diplomacy” as an effective tool for influencing the coronavirus international order.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121286185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Multi-vector Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan as an Important Means of Solving the Socio-economic Problems of the Country","authors":"S. Fomin","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-8","url":null,"abstract":"The article elucidates the internal problems of Uzbekistan among which one should mention the problem of poverty, mass unemployment, shortage of arable land and water resources, serious ecological problems. To a high degree these problems have been caused by a rapid growth of population. Uzbekistan tries to solve these problems by means of liberal market reforms and the multi-vector foreign policy developing political, economic and trade relations at the same time with different countries, in particular with China, the USA, the EU, Turkey, South Korea, Russia and other countries-members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). It was shown that volumes of trade of Uzbekistan with the Western countries as well as the level of Western investments remain at least now not high. The conclusion is drawn that for the USA Uzbekistan presents the interest mainly in geopolitical, military and strategic aspects, especially now after the US troops left Afghanistan. The EU is more than the USA interested in developing the trade and economic relations with Uzbekistan. The new agreement between Uzbekistan and the EU on enlarged partnership and cooperation will create more favorable conditions for economic cooperation and trade, growth of European investments into economy of Uzbekistan. Nevertheless it seems that the factor of geographic remoteness of Uzbekistan from Europe will not make it possible for the EU countries to occupy the same place in external economic links of Uzbekistan as the countries-neighbours such as China, Russia and other countries-members of the EAEU. It is shown that China is the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. China considers Uzbekistan as the important transit country with transport corridors indispensable for transportation first of all of Chinese goods to the countries of Europe and other regions of the world. The Chinese investments into economy of Uzbekistan are constantly growing. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), in particular Russia and Kazakhstan, is also the most important trade and economic partner of Uzbekistan. Besides, Russia is the biggest labour market for millions of Uzbek migrant workers. Within the EAEU the common labour market was created, migrant workers who are citizens of the countries-members of the EAEU enjoy the social rights of the country of stay and may freely move over territories of the countries-members of the EAEU. This fact is especially important for Uzbekistan which is interested in improving living conditions of its migrant workers. Besides, as the facts show, the economic integration within the EAEU does not prevent the governments of the countries-members of the EAEU from developing intensive political and economic relations with different countries. Taking into account the complex of acute socio-economic, ecological and demographic problems facing Uzbekistan it seems that in the future one cannot completely exclude the possibility of membership of Uzbekistan in the EAEU esp","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131126515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Problems of Social and Economic Modernization of Kazakhstan","authors":"O. Demenko","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-10","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the features of the socio-economic development of the Republic of Kazakhstan after gaining independence in 1991. It is noted that historically the economy of Kazakhstan for many decades was formed as a raw material base for the unified national economic complex of the USSR. Under the conditions of independence, the raw materials industries, primarily the fuel and energy and mining and metallurgical complexes became the basis for the socio-economic development of Kazakhstan, thanks to which the country made an economic breakthrough and deeply integrated into the world economy. Kazakhstan is the leader among the post-Soviet countries in terms of the volume of attracted foreign direct investment, which contributed to the increase in the extraction of natural resources, the construction of new industrial enterprises and infrastructure facilities. The most important trade and investment partners of Kazakhstan are the European Union, the Russian Federation, China and the United States. At the same time, despite the geographical proximity, common social and ethnocultural features, only 4.9% of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade falls on the neighboring countries of Central Asia. \u0000The dependence of Kazakhstan on the sale of raw materials, the low investment attractiveness of the manufacturing industries make the country’s economy vulnerable to changes in the situation in the commodity markets, periodically lead to an aggravation of the socio-economic situation. In the structure of Kazakhstani exports, about 70% are products of the extractive industry. A problem in the development of the energy sector is the limited supply routes for energy carriers to world markets. The issue of changing the model of economic growth through the development of high-tech sectors of industry and support for small and medium-sized businesses is extremely relevant. The system of public administration, which is too bureaucratic and cumbersome, also needs to improve efficiency. Also, a reform of social policy is ripe, which should be aimed at increasing social support for citizens. It is necessary to change the strategy for the development of regions, primarily with regard to the creation of jobs and the reduction of regional imbalances.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127029945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Latvia – NATO: Integration and Cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region","authors":"O. Kyrychenko","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-16-3","url":null,"abstract":"The article uses the methodology of geopolitics analysis to identify the basic characteristics of NATO’s current policy towards Latvia and the rest of the Baltic Sea countries. This region with the collapse of the former Soviet Union seemed to be one of the most stable in terms of military security. However, at present, especially after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine and the subsequent Russian aggression against our country, there is a noticeable increase in general tensions in the Baltics between NATO states and the Russian Federation and its allies. A study on the example of Latvia, devoted to the development of the military-political situation in the region, gives grounds to conclude that the current increase in the military presence in the Baltics is due to the need to strengthen the protection of the Baltic States from the Russian threat. The latter does not rule out the possibility of further NATO expansion not only to the East but also to the North at the expense of Sweden and Finland. Modern events in the Baltic region can be characterized as part of the next stage of the positional game on the world “chessboard”, where today the winning situation for the Anglo-Saxon strategy is obvious. At the same time, Russia’s geopolitical interests in the Baltic area, including Latvia, have remained virtually unchanged. The western vector of the republic’s development only strengthened Moscow’s attention through deeper and timely monitoring and analysis of the situation in its western neighbors in order to prevent the final and irreversible exit of the Baltic countries from the sphere of Russian influence. \u0000The article is intended to help Ukraine to understand and study the unique experience of the transition of a certain post-Soviet country from one political state to another, which is needed not so much for history, but for the purpose of developing modern political and diplomatic methods of cooperation with the leadership of Latvia, as well as the practical application of its experience in its activities on the path of Euro-Atlantic integration. The focus of NATO and, first of all, the United States, on strengthening its presence in the Baltic Sea region is capable of influencing the relations between the Baltic countries that have developed as a result of many years of cooperation. The emphasis on the military component clearly outlines the differences in approaches between NATO member states (Denmark, Poland, Germany, the Baltic countries and Norway), neutral states (Sweden, Finland) and the CSTO allies (Russia and Belarus).","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129955592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}