Problems of World History最新文献

{"title":"“Twins in Spite of Themselves”: Spanish and Ottoman Empires’ “Issues of Decline” in XVIIIth Century","authors":"A. Chalyi","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-2","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish and Ottoman empires had more similarities that could be found at first glance. Both experienced the take-off as leading force in Europe and Asia respectively, being for a while the most fearful and powerful states during XVI, faced economic and political blunders in XVII century and slightly ended with stagnation in XVIII century (as conventional wisdom says). Using comparative method and cultural analysis, article tries to answer a question – how unique or regular was that issues which stroke Spain and Ottoman Empires, how deeply they were engaged in so called decline narrative, created in XIX century European historiography and is it possible to create common trend for empire`s stagnation using not only historical sociology method (sociology of revolution used by Jack Goldstone and Teda Skocpole) and world-system analysis provided by Immanuel Wallerstein, with emphasis on history of ideas or begriffsgeschichte by Reinhardt Kosseleck. Main results are going to provide a more correct view on the status of Spanish and Turkish Empires during the XVIII century. Despite that Ottomans and Spaniards had obvious differences in political distribution, economic capabilities, warfare tactics and external actions, almost simultaneous decline was based on clear and exact reasons: lack of industrialization (production with high surplus value), hush incorporation of Ottoman and Spanish Empires into World-Economy, lack of defending tariffs, ineffective fiscal system and policy, devastating and lasting wars, decreasing price for agricultural products, down warding Kondratieff cycle, rigid political and social units, which constrain strict political actions. These gaps made the Empire’s decline possible notwithstanding those problems which they had previously. Oppositely, major European states (England, France, Prussia) had made reversed actions, which took a long time, but made European “take-off” inevitable, assured their economical breakaway to further domination over the Ottomans and Spaniards as well.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130636194","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Lebanon and Syria – the “Siamese twins” of the Levant: a Current Situation","authors":"A. Zelinskyi","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-6","url":null,"abstract":"The Syrian Arab and Lebanese Republics are two neighboring states located in the Middle Eastern subregions, traditionally called the Levant. The close neighborhood of both countries led to the preservation of old and the emergence of new common denominators in the socio-economic, socio-political and religious spheres. In modern historiography, there are disagreements regarding the degree of preservation and definition of the nature of today’s relations between the two states. It is about the recognition or non-recognition of the existence of the exceptional character of the modern Syrian-Lebanese relations. At the same time, among researchers who recognize the fact of preserving many common denominators for both countries, the main issue remains the positive or negative interpretation of the mentioned phenomenon. \u0000It should be realized that most of the close ties between Syria and Lebanon, which are not determined by the immediate geographical proximity of both countries, are as the result of external interference in the affairs of the subregion. It is about the arbitrary territorial-administrative division carried out by the Ottoman Empire, the artificial idea of “Greater Syria”, which was popularized by a native of Mecca - Faisal bin Hussein al-Hashimi, and French experiments during the mandated period of the history of both countries. As a result of the above-mentioned interventions, reinforced by the geographical factor, there was an established desire of Syria to incorporate the Lebanese Republic into its structure, supported by a part of the population of Lebanon itself. Even after the end of the period of Syrian occupation of Lebanon (1990-2005) as a result of the Cedar Revolution, the danger of the absorbing the country of cedarsby neighbor state has not disappeared. This is indicated by the presence of a wide range of pro-Syrian politicians in the Lebanese ruling circles and the role played by the Lebanese Shiite militia organization Hezbollah in saving the B. al-Assad regime during the ongoing civil war in Syria.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128824279","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Historical Memory as a Means of Implementing the Internal and External Policy of the Republic of Poland","authors":"L. Chekalenko","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-3","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the phenomenon of the historical memory of the Republic of Poland, which is currently aimed at solving the internal and external tasks of the state in the following directions. The first concerns a number of geopolitical and practical issues of relations with Germany, the second revolves around relations with the Russian Federation, and the third is focused on the “Volyn problem”, which is naturally extrapolated to relations with Ukraine. Such a trichotomy was formed throughout the 20th century and continues to this day. If until 2014 German and Volyn unresolved issues prevailed in Polish politics and public life, then Russia’s invasion and war against Ukraine strengthened the Russian component of the Polish narrative of memory, aimed at debunking Moscow’s aggressive policy. \u0000The origins and essence of the problems in Poland’s relations with Germany, as well as with Russia, are similar in many issues, and in some dimensions even coincide. The geopolitical weight of politicians of the leading states resemble each other in terms of historical origins and the nature of problems, disrespectful assessments of their opponents or competitors, imperial attitudes toward their own and conquered peoples, and economic characteristics bequeathed to them by previous state formations. Relations between the Republic of Poland and Germany are closely intertwined. Complicated by territorial claims, they became particularly acute during the Cold War. The constructive dialogue of these European states reached a consensus level only with the unification of Germany in 1990. However, a final understanding has not yet been reached, as the Polish side still raises the issue of guilt towards the Poles on the part of Germany, which, according to Polish statements, did not sufficiently compensate for the losses of the Poles period of the Second World War.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130412995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"A New Enhanced Trilateral Security Partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the USA (AUKUS): Reasons for Creation, Consequences for International Security","authors":"O. Poshedin","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-8","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the reasons for creating a new trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States (AUKUS) and predicts the impact of AUKUS on international security. The strategic political and defense documents of the AUKUS states regarding their policies in the Indo-Pacific region are analyzed. China’s policy in the Asia-Pacific region is also analyzed. \u0000It has been established that the Indo-Pacific region plays an important role both for the AUKUS states and for the whole world. During the remarks on the creation of AUKUS, the leaders of the states of the new trilateral partnership did not mention China, emphasizing the need to maintain security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. However, the reason for creating AUKUS is the aggressive policy of the People’s Republic of China in the region, which ranges from economic coercion to direct threats to use force against Taiwan. The main areas of cooperation identified by AUKUS will enhance the defense capabilities of each of the three states. A key project of AUKUS – to deliver a nuclear-powered submarine fleet for Australia is an important tool for deterring China and maintaining a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region. \u0000The article predicts that the creation of AUKUS will have a positive impact on security in the Indo-Pacific region and international security in general. This partnership will not create geopolitical tension and will not lead to an arms race in the region. China, even before the creation of AUKUS, carried out the militarization of the Indo-Pacific region and rejected the involvement of international organizations in resolving disputes with neighboring states, interpreting all disputes in its favor. Will not undermine the creation of AUKUS and the unity of NATO due to the cancellation by Australia of the contract with France for the construction of diesel submarines. The financial dispute with French submarine maker has been settled, and defense cooperation between the two states is being strengthened.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132288955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Circumstances of the Opening of the Polytechnic Institute in Guides to Kyiv (1900 – Early 20th Century)","authors":"T. Shevchuk","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-11","url":null,"abstract":"In the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century. in Kyiv, a city that attracted many visitors, nationwide trends in the development of the coal, metallurgical, machine-building, light, food industry, and agriculture industries were marked, and at the same time, there was a lack of engineers, agronomists, and technicians. Against this background, there was an urgent need to establish a higher institution of technical education in Kyiv, which became the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute, opened in 1898. At the same time, it was during this period that tourism, which before was rather a supplement to pilgrimage, gradually grew into a mass one, and accordingly, guides, as a publication outlining noteworthy routes, became more and more popular. Therefore, it is important to trace how the new university entered the sphere of attention of visitors to the city, and what role the authors of guidebooks – valuable comprehensive sources on the history of everyday life in the city – played in this. The article examines the peculiarities of coverage in Kyiv guidebooks of the circumstances of the opening of the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute. It can be concluded that the most information about the circumstances of the opening of the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute is contained in those guides (except K. Svirskiy) that were published immediately after the opening of this educational institution (in 1900 and 1901), although one of them – a reprint of M. Sementovskyi – in the first in the first turn it was aimed at pilgrims, and only in the second – at social guests of the city. Probably, the compilers sought to record as accurately as possible the still unfinished process unfolding before them.V. Chekhovsky, who openly positioned his work as dedicated to the modern features of the Kyiv of that time, disclosed in it the main, in his opinion, prerequisites and key aspects of the establishment of the institute from planning to the implementation of a concrete project, and among the most prominent persons involved, he did not overlook those ethnically related to Poles, but did not exaggerate their role. Later editions do not go beyond the placement of information, according to the authors, most important for average travellers. Even in the most succinct coverage of events, the importance of the role of donations from private individuals is noticeable, sometimes with an indication of the cost of the project.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130494577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland","authors":"S. Rudych","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland.  Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133393611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Historical Memory and Counter-memory of the Second World War in Slovakia","authors":"I. Borovets, V. Vidnianskyi","doi":"10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-4","url":null,"abstract":"In the Slovak Republic (SR), after the Velvet Revolution of 1989 in Czechoslovakia and the collapse of ČSFR in 1993, the problem of creating a national narrative of historical memory, in particular about the Second World War, as one of the important elements of the transformation of Slovak society and systemic post-communist transformations in the young state, became more urgent. The article deals with the official version of preserving and popularizing the historical memory of the Second World War in the Slovak Republic, the main state institution for the implementation of which is the Institute of National Remembrance established in 2002, as well as various interpretations by Slovak historians and politicians of such key events of the Second World War as the history of the Slovak state in 1939-1944, the Hungarian-Slovak “Little War” in March 1939, the participation of Slovak military units in the war on the Eastern Front, the Slovak National Uprising of 1944, the Holocaust. Various sources are used: scientific literature and fiction, cinema and historical journalism, military memoirs and memorials of historical memory, materials of “oral history”, etc. The authors emphasize that the bifurcation of Slovak historiography, historical memory and society itself in assessments and interpretations of the events of World War II in national history continues to this day, primarily as a confrontation between official/supranational and national versions of historical memory. The supranational approach, which applies an integral method, synthesizes views, offers multidimensional visions, and evaluates historical facts, phenomena and processes based on the criteria of liberalism and democracy, is preferred at the present stage.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"160 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114421179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)","authors":"M. Derzhaliuk","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). \u0000It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. \u0000The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative an","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128080712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)","authors":"T. Tkachuk","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II. \u0000During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation. \u0000The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115761169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Swedish Tradition of State Care for Cultural Heritage","authors":"O. Prysiazhniuk","doi":"10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-8","url":null,"abstract":"The Nordic countries are notable for their ancient practice of reasonable care of their historical monuments. There were no ‘laws’ in the strict sense – it was replaced by numerous royal decrees. The decree of the King of Sweden, made in 1886, about patronage and protection of antiquities had the same goals as the parliamentary act about monuments. Sweden is in a particularly good position, because the state has long since taken over the protection of all antiquities in the country and it has established the principle that monuments and artefacts uncovered by excavations on private land do not come under the custody of the owner, but are the subject of state care. At the end of the 19th century it was not possible to establish this principle by direct legislation, but in Sweden it was due to the traditional custom that monuments and their protection have been of incalculable benefit. In this regard, Swedish legislation on the protection of cultural heritage is considered the oldest in the world. The tradition of state care for historical monuments here goes back some four centuries. At the beginning of this tradition in the 17th and early 18th centuries, a centralized Swedish state with great imperial ambitions and an important role in justifying its historical patrimony was formed. \u0000The second half of the 19th century was a turning point in monument conservation, resulting in the 1867 decree, which was amended twice, in 1873 and 1886. It reflects the tendencies of professionalization and centralization of monument preservation. The decree complicated the mechanism of approving the demolition of monuments during economic works. The mechanism for granting the right to investigate archaeological heritage was clarified. The overall progressive nature of Swedish regulations by the beginning of the twentieth century cannot but inspire respect, even though the whole legislation on monument conservation was comprised of royal decrees. It was not until 1942 that the Comprehensive Swedish Monument Preservation Act was adopted.","PeriodicalId":211354,"journal":{"name":"Problems of World History","volume":"301 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124300630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}