Natural Language & Linguistic Theory最新文献_第3页

Paradigm uniformity effects on French liaison 范式统一对法国联络的影响

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-02-12 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09596-z

Benjamin Storme

{"title":"Paradigm uniformity effects on French liaison","authors":"Benjamin Storme","doi":"10.1007/s11049-023-09596-z","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-023-09596-z","url":null,"abstract":"French liaison is a type of external sandhi involving the use of a special consonant-final allomorph before vowel-initial words. Consonants occurring at the end of these allomorphs are challenging for phonological theory because of evidence that their prosodic and segmental realization is intermediate between the realizations of word-final and word-initial consonants. This puzzling behavior of French liaison has been used to motivate new phonological and lexical representations, including floating consonants, lexical constructions and gradient symbolic representations. This paper proposes an alternative analysis: the variable realization of liaison is derived as a paradigm uniformity effect, assuming traditional phonological and lexical representations. In a Word1-Word2 sequence, the liaison consonant at the boundary between the two words ends up acquiring properties of both word-final and word-initial consonants because of a pressure to make contextual variants of Word1 and Word2 similar to their citation forms. The proposal is implemented in a probabilistic constraint-based grammar including paradigm uniformity constraints and is shown to account for the intermediate behavior of liaison both in terms of prosodic attachment and segmental realization. The paper provides evidence for two key predictions of this analysis, using judgment data on the prosodic attachment of liaison consonants in European French and phonetic data on the interaction between liaison and affrication in Quebec French.","PeriodicalId":18975,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language & Linguistic Theory","volume":"110 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139760214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Type-shifting in headless relative clauses 无头相对从句中的类型转换

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-01-25 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09595-0

Carol Rose Little, Scott AnderBois, Jessica Coon

{"title":"Type-shifting in headless relative clauses","authors":"Carol Rose Little, Scott AnderBois, Jessica Coon","doi":"10.1007/s11049-023-09595-0","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-023-09595-0","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the (in)definiteness of bare nouns has developed various proposals regarding which type-shifters exist in human language and which principles are needed to govern their distribution (Carlson 1977; Partee 1987; Chierchia 1998; Dayal 2004; i.a.). At the same time, literature on headless relative clauses (HRCs), primarily focusing on free relatives (FRs) in Indo-European languages, has also developed type-shifting principles (Jacobson 1995; Caponigro 2003, 2004). The type-shifting principles from the FR literature, however, are fundamentally different than those found in proposals for bare nouns. Here, we present case studies from two Mayan languages which diverge from one another in the behavior of bare nouns, and which possess several different kinds of headless relative clauses. We show that “super-free relative clauses” (Caponigro et al. 2021; Caponigro 2022), which lack a wh-word, pattern in ways parallel to bare nouns in the respective languages. We also demonstrate that HRCs headed by a wh-word—i.e., FRs—diverge from bare nouns; they pattern similarly to one another across the languages under investigation, and in ways similar to what has been reported for FRs crosslinguistically. We provide evidence that there is a dedicated FR type-shifter (FR-ι) used as a post-syntactic mechanism to repair a type-mismatch at the CP level, building on work by Caponigro (2004). Our novel contribution is that this type-shifter is available regardless of the presence or absence of other type-shifters in a language. This paper adds new data to our understanding of the range and applicability of different definiteness-related type-shifters as well as captures certain typological tendencies regarding HRCs.","PeriodicalId":18975,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language & Linguistic Theory","volume":"72 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139584786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Re-analyzing ‘say’ complementation: Implications for case theory and beyond 重新分析 "说 "的互补性：对案例理论及其他方面的影响

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-01-12 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09594-1

Travis Major

引用次数: 1

Control theory and the relationship between logophoric pronouns and logophoric uses of anaphors 控制论与逻各斯代词和逻各斯使用拟声词之间的关系

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09592-3

Mark C. Baker, Shiori Ikawa

引用次数: 0

Weak determinism and the computational consequences of interaction 弱决定论与相互作用的计算后果

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-01-03 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09578-1

Eric Meinhardt, Anna Mai, Eric Baković, Adam McCollum

{"title":"Weak determinism and the computational consequences of interaction","authors":"Eric Meinhardt, Anna Mai, Eric Baković, Adam McCollum","doi":"10.1007/s11049-023-09578-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-023-09578-1","url":null,"abstract":"Recent work has claimed that (non-tonal) phonological patterns are subregular (Heinz 2011a,b, 2018; Heinz and Idsardi 2013), occupying a delimited proper subregion of the regular functions—the weakly deterministic (WD) functions (Heinz and Lai 2013; Jardine 2016). Whether or not it is correct (McCollum et al. 2020a), this claim can only be properly assessed given a complete and accurate definition of WD functions. We propose such a definition in this article, patching unintended holes in Heinz and Lai’s (2013) original definition that we argue have led to the incorrect classification of some phonological patterns as WD. We start from the observation that WD patterns share a property that we call unbounded semiambience, modeled after the analogous observation by Jardine (2016) about non-deterministic (ND) patterns and their unbounded circumambience. Both ND and WD functions can be broken down into compositions of deterministic (subsequential) functions (Elgot and Mezei 1965; Heinz and Lai 2013) that read an input string from opposite directions; we show that WD functions are those for which these deterministic composands do not interact in a way that is familiar from the theoretical phonology literature. To underscore how this concept of interaction neatly separates the WD class of functions from the strictly more expressive ND class, we provide analyses of the vowel harmony patterns of two Eastern Nilotic languages, Maasai and Turkana, using bimachines, an automaton type that represents unbounded bidirectional dependencies explicitly. These analyses make clear that there is interaction between deterministic composands when (and only when) the output of a given input element of a string is simultaneously dependent on information from both the left and the right: ND functions are those that involve interaction, while WD functions are those that do not.","PeriodicalId":18975,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language & Linguistic Theory","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139376236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Finiteness in a language without finite morphology: An experimental study of Mandarin Chinese 无有限形态语言中的有限性：普通话实验研究

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09591-4

Nick Huang

引用次数: 0

The prosody of Spanish acronyms 西班牙语缩略语的拟声

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09599-w

Francesc Torres-Tamarit, Violeta Martínez-Paricio

引用次数: 0

There is only one más: Spanish que/de comparative alternation 只有一个más:西班牙语que/de比较交替

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09590-5

Luis Miguel Toquero-Pérez

引用次数: 0

There is only one más: Spanish que/de comparative alternation 只有一个más:西班牙语que/de比较交替

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09590-5

Luis Miguel Toquero-Pérez

引用次数: 1

Extending the typology of quantifier particles 量词小品类型学的扩展

IF 1.3 1区文学

Natural Language & Linguistic Theory Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1007/s11049-023-09589-y

Ian L. Kirby

{"title":"Extending the typology of quantifier particles","authors":"Ian L. Kirby","doi":"10.1007/s11049-023-09589-y","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-023-09589-y","url":null,"abstract":"The Sakha particle da(ɣanï) has a restricted, semantically varied distribution. It appears in three main roles: negative polarity item (NPIs), a marker of scalar focus, and doubled in coordination constructions. In coordination X da(ɣanï) Y da(ɣanï) means ‘both X and Y’ in positive sentences, but ‘neither X nor Y’ in negative sentences. Following from the assumption that NPIs denote low-point existentials, it is surprising to find a particle that is involved in these as well as ‘both…and’ coordination. While there are quantifier particles in other languages which overlap with all of da(ɣanï)’s uses, these typically these serve far more roles. One such common role that da(ɣanï) lacks is a basic additive ‘too’ reading, though an additive reading emerges with scalar focus. I argue that da(ɣanï) is an element which combines with an host that has semantic alternatives and makes them obligatorily active, in the sense of Chierchia (2013). When it combines with a low-point existential, this has the effect of creating NPIs. The ‘both…and’ reading is argued to be the result of da(ɣanï) inducing an additive post-supposition. However, a unary ‘too’ function is blocked by the additive presupposition of another particle emie.","PeriodicalId":18975,"journal":{"name":"Natural Language & Linguistic Theory","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138539533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0