Isis最新文献

{"title":"Vital forces: regulative principles or constitutive agents? A strategy in German physiology, 1786-1802.","authors":"J L Larson","doi":"10.1086/352198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352198","url":null,"abstract":"JN ALL OF EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY science there is apparently no more authentic example of the use of purpose as a regulative principle than J. F. Blumenbach's doctrine of vital forces. In the Institutionesphysiologicae Blumenbach states that an indefinable vital energy manifests itself in various ways in various processes of the living body. The term force, applied to the observed effects of this energy, unifies those effects by interpreting them as purposeful.' Kant himself endorsed this proposal for what he called its problematic applications. Blumenbach, he wrote, had rightly declared contradictory to reason the ideas that life had sprung from the nature of what was lifeless, and that matter had disposed itself in the form of self-maintaining purposiveness. At the same time Blumenbach had left to natural mechanism,","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"70 252","pages":"235-49"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1979-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352198","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11600840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"De Juvamentis Membrorum and the reception of Galenic physiological anatomy.","authors":"R K French","doi":"10.1086/352157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352157","url":null,"abstract":"G ALEN'S MOST IMPORTANT WORK on functional anatomy is De usu partium. It is complementary to the work on morphology and the techniques of dissection, De anatomicis administrationibus, and to that on the biological forces which were the basis of his physiology, De naturalibusfacultatibus. All three works give us the theoretical background of Galen's biomedical system; in particular De usu partium deals with the form and function of the body in the context of Galen's natural-philosophical worldview. The transmission of this text through subsequent ages is therefore of considerable interest. Galen's position at the height of Hellenistic culture was not regained by those who followed. In the absence of a comparable figure able to assimilate and transcend Galen's achievement, progress in anatomy and physiology was not made. The three major Galenic works remained in the library at Alexandria, but teaching depended on a single work, Minor Anatomy, compiled from Galen's short introductory works on the five tissue systems (nerves, veins, arteries, muscles, and bones).' It is probably as a result of this arrangement that Arabic and early medieval Western medical education gave little attention to anatomy. The two major Galenic anatomical works were rendered intelligible to the less sophisticated ages that followed Galen by the production of summaries and abstracts: De usu partium was compressed into a very small compass by the Byzantine Theophilus Protospatharius, and Oribasius' extracts from De anatomicis administrationibus (4th century) are all that remain from the lost Greek of the second half of that work. After this period De usu partium was the sole vehicle of physiological anatomy as applied to man and therefore of use in a medical context. The surviving first half of De anatomicis administrationibus was not widely known before Latin versions were produced by Chalcondylas and Guinter in the earlier sixteenth century, and the techniques of dissection that Galen describes within it are clearly applied to apes, not man. Although Aristotle's works on animals had been known in the Middle Ages in the translations by Michael Scot and William of Moerbeke, Aristotle had admitted that the inside of man was one of the most unknown of all things, and medical use of the zoological works was limited. Moreover, Aristotle's anatomical and physiological","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"70 251","pages":"96-109"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1979-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352157","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11604142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"One hundred fourth critical bibliography of the history of science and its cultural influences (to January 1979).","authors":"J Neu","doi":"10.1086/352404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352404","url":null,"abstract":"The present Critical Bibliography,* which includes 2735 citations, is the twenty-fifth to be classified according to the system established in 1953. The main purpose of the classification has always been, in the words of its founder, George Sarton, \"to satisfy the needs of historians of science in general rather than those of historians of particular sciences\". While the classification is both chronological and by subject, preference is given to the former. The reader who wishes to find all references to a particular subject, therefore, must examine several sections of the bibliography.","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"70 255","pages":"5-211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1979-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352404","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11596258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The Victorian conflict between science and religion: a professional dimension.","authors":"F M Turner","doi":"10.1086/352065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352065","url":null,"abstract":"Was there a conflict between science and religion in late Victorian England? T. H. Huxley, Bishop Wilberforce, John Tyndall, Francis Galton, W. K. Clifford, and William Gladstone certainly thought so. Other contemporaries, such as Lord Tennyson, E. B. Pusey, Frederick Temple, Frederic Harrison, and Herbert Spencer feared so but hoped not. Sermons criticizing the arrogance of scientists and articles decrying the ignorance of clergy, as well as books such as John Draper's History of the conflict between religion and science (1874) and that of his fellow American Andrew White, The warfare of science (1876), with a preface by British physicist John Tyndall, suggested a bitter controversy between spokesmen for religion and science. Early twentieth-century writers including J. M. Robertson, J. B. Bury, Bertrand Russell, and Arthur Balfour assumed that a conflict had raged over the subject a generation or so earlier. Later commentators were less certain about the existence of the struggle, its dimensions, and even its issues. Robert Ensor regarded it parenthetically as ‘(real enough at the time)’. Charles Raven contended the debate over science and religion amounted to little more than ‘a storm in a Victorian tea-cup’. R. K. Webb explained that the number of people whose religious faith was shaken by scientific discoveries was ‘probably fairly small’ but consisted of ‘people whose opinions counted for much’. Owen Chadwick drew the important distinction ‘between science when it was against religion and the scientists when they were against religion’.","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 248","pages":"356-76"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352065","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11596252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Darwin's illness.","authors":"G Pickering","doi":"10.1086/352070","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352070","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 248","pages":"425"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352070","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11596253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"British responses to psycho-physiology, 1860--1900.","authors":"L J Daston","doi":"10.1086/352003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352003","url":null,"abstract":"BETWEEN 1860 AND 1900 psychology emerged as an independent discipline within the context of major European and American universities. During this period of roughly forty years, proponents of an autonomous psychology sought to establish distinct intellectual and institutional identities vis-a-vis the neighboring fields of philosophy and physiology. I In Britain attempts to create a characteristically psychological approach toward phenomena of mind were strongly influenced by a deep and persistent concern over the possible moral implications of the new discipline-in particular, the possible encouragement it might lend to materialist or fatalist theories of human conduct. Contemporary philosophies of scientific method and modes of explanation also shaped the development of the fledgling discipline. Because late Victorian accounts of science were predominantly reductionist and mechanistic, a \"scientific\" psychology was regarded by many as a threat to the traditional bases of morality. Advocates of a scientific psychology (the description is their own) were accordingly scrupulous in defining the relationships of their discipline to the extant natural sciences on the one hand and to moral philosophy on the other. Far from being a peripheral aspect of late-nineteenth-century British psychology, confined to the writings of extra-professional commentators, this perceived tension between the moral necessity of free will and a law-governed mental science played a central role in the selection of the topics, approaches, and explanations which dominated psychological discussion.The sovereign position which psychological treatises of the period assigned to theories of volition reflects this concern, as does the emphasis placed on the clinical applications of these theories to problems of moral responsibility such as alcoholism, the legal defense of insanity, and child rearing. In particular, the importance of the concept of attention within latenineteenth-century psychology stems from its critical function in theories of volition: to integrate experimental findings on reflex action and other forms of involuntary behavior with the traditional notion of an active, self-determined subject. At an epistemological level, the various schemes of parallelism, monism, and occasionalism set forth by British psychologists to resolve the Cartesian polarity between brute matter and conscious mind represent similar compromise efforts.","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 247","pages":"192-208"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11595808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Some early chemical analyses of proprietary medicines.","authors":"W A Campbell","doi":"10.1086/352005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/352005","url":null,"abstract":"E ARLY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY several attempts were made to disclose the compositions of secret remedies, but the performance rarely matched the promise. The first volume of the Monthly Gazette of Health (1816) was largely devoted to exposing \"the nefarious practices of pretenders, who, for the sake of lucre, sport with the feelings and lives of their fellow creatures.\"' Analysis would enable the public to distinguish those preparations which possessed merit from those which were inert or even dangerous, and in this respect the editor, Richard Reece (who sold family medicine chests and portable laboratories from his Medical Hall in Piccadilly, London), claimed that the Gazette would be superior to all other publications. Yet within a few pages Reece was compelled to hedge. \"It is necessary to observe that in the analysis of a proprietary medicine composed of vegetable products, it is not possible to discover all its constituent parts by any chemical means. Of mineral preparations we can speak with more accuracy.\"2 Metals and common acid radicals could indeed be detected with some certainty, for such exponents of inorganic qualitative analysis as Torbern Bergman, Martin Heinrich Klaproth, and Louis Nicolas Vauquelin had learned their trade in that most difficult field of ore and stone analysis. And with the appearance of the textbooks of Carl Remigius Fresenius and Heinrich Rose, systematic group analysis was securely founded.3 The identification of vegetable products in mixtures was far less satisfactory. The work of the eighteenth-century French chemists on the analysis of plant parts by destructive distillation was directed less toward identification than toward understanding plant constitution. More promising was the water extraction method, known as maceration, infusion, or decoction, according to whether the water was cold, warm, or boiling. Andrew Ure used these methods to separate various vegetable constituents (Table 1), but they were then to be distinguished only by appearance, taste, or solubility in acid, alkali, water, or alcohol.4","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 247","pages":"226-33"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/352005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11595810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Science education for women in antebellum America.","authors":"D J Warner","doi":"10.1086/351933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/351933","url":null,"abstract":"W OMEN TOO SHARED in the popular enthusiasm for science which A,, lemerged in America in the second third of the nineteenth century. Schools for women placed a new emphasis on natural history and natural philosophy. Books about science directed specifically at women proliferated, as did scientific articles in the general women's magazines, and public scientific lectures attracted large numbers of women. The message presented through these various media was a cultural one: the efforts of scientists should be supported, their achievements appreciated. The audience was encouraged to become \"cultivators\" of science, not necessarily \"practitioners.\"' Once interested, however, some women-indeed a substantially larger number than is generally recognized-went on to pursue science on their own. By 1860 the foundations were securely planted for women's involvement in America's scientific enterprise. Public education for women, practically nonexistent in the colonial and early republican periods, began to flourish in the 1820s, and within a few decades dozens of academies, seminaries, and colleges were established. Most of those admitting women were for women only, but some were coeducational; most were in the Northeast, but a good number were in the South and West.2 Many educators sought to establish curricula for women similar to that available to men. Evidence for this is easily multiplied, but for now let suffice two typical declarations of purpose. The Elmira Female College was founded \"with the design of affording a superior education to young ladies, with all the advantages furnished by the best [male] Colleges in the country.\" Packer Collegiate Institute in Brooklyn aimed to furnish \"all the advantages for thorough and complete education that are enjoyed by the other sex in our best appointed colleges.\"3 To be sure, Emma Willard's","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 246","pages":"58-67"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/351933","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11594131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Joseph Schiller 1906-1977.","authors":"J D Burchfield, P L Farber, R S Westfall","doi":"10.1086/351935","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/351935","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"69 246","pages":"75-6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1978-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/351935","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11596250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Two unpublished essays on the Anthropology of North America by Benjamin Smith Barton.","authors":"F Spencer","doi":"10.1086/351875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/351875","url":null,"abstract":"As far as I can ascertain, two anthropological essays-one on the \"Natural History of the North American Indians\" and the other on the albino-written by Benjamin Smith Barton while attending medical school at Edinburgh University (1786-1788), have never been described.' To obviate any misunderstanding, it appears that these \"dissertations\" were not written to support the acquisition of an earned degree, but rather they were scientific communications to the Royal Medical Society of Edinburgh, to which Barton had been affiliated during his brief sojourn in that city. For, as Jefferies has indicated,2 Barton did not receive an M.D. degree from either Edinburgh or Gottingen, as is so often reported in the literature. Following a four-page introduction, the first essay is divided into two sections: one which deals with the question of the origins of the North American Indian, the second a brief discourse on human variation, with specific reference to the \"Esquimaux.\" While the ideas expressed in this essay are by no means unique, they are nevertheless of considerable intrinsic interest. Though Charles Caldwell (1772-1853), the famed physician-phrenologist, later held the opinion that the \"intellectual efforts and performances\" of physicians in Philadelphia \"possessed much more of a colonial than a national spirit,\"3 it is possible","PeriodicalId":14667,"journal":{"name":"Isis","volume":"68 244","pages":"567-73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.6,"publicationDate":"1977-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/351875","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"11562844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}