Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology最新文献_第3页

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773598

P. Brown

引用次数: 3

Class resistance and class hegemony: from conflict to co-optation in the citrus industry of belize 阶级反抗与阶级霸权:伯利兹柑橘产业从冲突到合作

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773566

Mark Moberg

引用次数: 9

From charismatic leader to anti-hero: the life and legacy of Irakau as cultural allegory 从魅力领袖到反英雄:作为文化寓言的伊拉考的生平和遗产

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773569

N. Lutkehaus

引用次数: 3

Migratory patterns of vendors in a Guatemanal market 危地马拉市场中供应商的迁移模式

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-07-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773570

John J. Swetnam

引用次数: 2

The Recruitment of Nahua Curers: Role Conflict and Gender 纳化治疗师的招募:角色冲突与性别

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773755

B. R. Huber

引用次数: 18

Supervillage formation in the amazonian terra firme: the case of Asenöña 亚马逊大地上超级村庄的形成:以Asenöña为例

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773753

John Frechione

{"title":"Supervillage formation in the amazonian terra firme: the case of Asenöña","authors":"John Frechione","doi":"10.2307/3773753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773753","url":null,"abstract":"The relatively small size of settlements in the terra firme2 zone of the South American tropical forest has been the subject of much study and debate (see, for example, Steward & Faron 1959; Meggers 1957, 1971; Carneiro 1960, 1961; Lathrap 1968; Leeds 1969; Gross 1975, 1983; and Roosevelt 1980). In general, the size of settlements (as well as settlement mobility and location) in the terra firme has been viewed as an adaptation to the natural environment (see Hames 1983:393-405 for a succinct review of influencing factors). Regardless of the factors considered by researchers, the primary focus of investigation has been to explain why settlements are small, generally having 50 to 150 inhabitants (Steward 1949:676, Map 19), and why settlements are moved frequently (for example, every five to twenty years) (Gross 1983:429). The limiting influences of the world's tropical rain forest environments on cultural development have also received considerable attention from researchers who now recognize that the tropical rain forest biome is not a homogeneous entity and that significant variation in its natural environmental potential is present (see Parker et al. 1983, for Amazonia). Large settlements (even cities in some locales) existed in the tropical rain forests of Africa, Southeast Asia, Mesoamerica, and South America in the precolonial period. Therefore, the limitations imposed by the tropical rain forest environment on human population concentrations have been overcome in many instances. However, even when compared to other tropical rain forest zones, the Amazonian terra firme is still regarded as exceptionally resource-poor (Meggers 1971; Sponsel 1986). This view is based partially upon ecological research in terra firme areas that has shown them to be relatively less rich in natural resources than other tropical rain forest environments. Moreover, since ethnographic data for the precolonial period are lacking, the relative scarcity of resources in the terra firme has been inferred from ethnographic analogy. Researchers have tended to accept the proposition that the precolonial situation of human societies in the terra firme was similar to that encountered among extant, relatively unacculturated, groups. Since these groups live in small, impermanent settlements with seemingly simple sociopolitical systems, it is believed that this has always been the case in the area (Roosevelt 1989:30-34). Thus, the circular reasoning is that because humans in the area have not developed larger settlements and more complex sociocultural systems, the natural environment of the terra firme must be too limited in natural resources to permit such development. The ethnocentric and evolutionary bias of such a proposition must be recognized. It is based upon the idea that humans are naturally progressive. Progress, in this case, is toward permanent and large population settlements and more complex sociocultural systems. Although much valuable ecological","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114671768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 13

Jesus came here too: the making of a culture hero and control over history in Simbu, Papua New Guinea 耶稣也来到这里:造就了一个文化英雄，并控制了巴布亚新几内亚辛布的历史

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773756

K. F. Rambo

引用次数: 3

Elementary Structures in the Nepal Himalaya: Reciprocity and the Politics of Hierarchy in Ghale-Tamang Marriage 尼泊尔-喜马拉雅地区的基本结构:互惠与女性-塔芒族婚姻中的等级政治

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1990-04-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773754

T. Fricke

{"title":"Elementary Structures in the Nepal Himalaya: Reciprocity and the Politics of Hierarchy in Ghale-Tamang Marriage","authors":"T. Fricke","doi":"10.2307/3773754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773754","url":null,"abstract":"The relationships organized by marriage and kinship in small scale societies have long been a mainstay of anthropological approaches to society. These approaches have, however, varied in contentious ways through the years. Some have stressed adherence to positive rules of marriage and behavior embedded in kinship terminologies (Levi-Strauss 1969 [1949]); others have stressed social organization as an outcome of statistical patterns of behavior (Murdock 1949). Still others have discussed social organization in terms of decision-making models, themselves structured by an embedded hierarchy of rules available to the conscious repertoire of social actors (Keesing 1967). More recent and promising analyses have attempted to join the improvisations of human agency with accounts that recognize the role of structured historical relationships and their strategic recreation (Bourdieu 1977). These are largely subsumed under the heading of practice approaches (Ortner 1984, 1989:11-18) and themselves encompass applications to various sets of data from historical (Bourdieu 1976) and secondary ethnographic sources (Collier 1988) to actual analyses of process among contemporary groups (Bradburd 1984). Among the advantages of practice approaches is an explicit concern with individual strategic behavior conducted within particular contexts of meaning and prestige rather than in response to an integrated, highly structured set of rules (Bourdieu 1976:119-120). This stress on defining particular local contexts does not exclude economic considerations from the understanding of practice although they are not given a priori analytic prominence. Moreover, where other approaches have stressed logical coherence, either in parallels between behavior and terminology or in normative systems, the practice perspective allows for the simultaneous existence of apparently contradictory motivations. Indeed, these points of tension provide actors with the alternatives that give flexibility to social systems. Leach recognized the importance of these inconsistencies in his work on the Kachin, suggesting that the \"overall process of structural change comes about through the manipulation of these alternatives as a means of social advancement\" (1977:8). Recent work demonstrates the pivotal position of marriage in recreating and extending political and domestic statuses in classless societies. Much of this work, however, seems to imply that any particular society will be defined by highly integrated ideal models which define the differences along which inequalities are structured. Jane Collier's (1988) three models of social inequality defined by marriage, for example, take social inequality as a necessary condition in all societies, but appear to assume single discourses of social interaction within any particular setting. Even Leach's recognition of","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130336394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 20

Melpa dream interpretation and the concept of hidden truth 梅尔巴梦的解释和隐藏真理的概念

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1989-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773536

A. Strathern

{"title":"Melpa dream interpretation and the concept of hidden truth","authors":"A. Strathern","doi":"10.2307/3773536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773536","url":null,"abstract":"Dreams are widely considered to be important in Melanesian societies, mostly as a means of understanding the present or foreseeing the future (Trompf, n.d.). In seeking to penetrate beyond this pragmatic context, which the people themselves enunciate, anthropologists have often borrowed the ideas of Freud in order to decode the supposed unconsciously coded communications of dreams (Berndt 1951; Eggan 1966; Schneider 1969). However, before reaching for this putatively universal level, it is desirable first to examine how dreams are shared and interpreted in their indigenous, or emic, context, a point which is currently well recognized (Tedlock 1987: esp. ch. 3). This paper attempts to do this for the Mt. Hagen (or Melpa) people of the Western Highlands Province in Papua New Guinea, starting from the people's own concepts of hidden truth and uncertainty. In my conclusion I discuss the further relationship of these concepts to the issue of consensus in social life. In considering the interpretations which people place on dreams, we can begin by looking at their ideas of knowledge in general. A good proposition to start with is our own adage \"seeing is believing.\" In waking life there is a strong emphasis on this idea in Mount Hagen. The matter often comes up in court cases, where rules about \"hearsay\" do not simply stem from recent experience with western-style courts but are intrinsic to the people's own way of thinking. Skepticism may be expressed even about such wellestablished cultural constructs as ghosts, and it always goes with the phrase, \"Are you in the habit of seeing these things or not?\" People recognize that in disputes the truth may be concealed and it is necessary for it to be revealed if the matter is to be resolved. The relevant terms are mo ronom","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1989-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127575083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 6

The kalasha (Pakistan) winter solstice festival 卡拉沙(巴基斯坦)冬至节

Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology Pub Date : 1989-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/3773537

A. Cacopardo

{"title":"The kalasha (Pakistan) winter solstice festival","authors":"A. Cacopardo","doi":"10.2307/3773537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773537","url":null,"abstract":"In three narrow and secluded valleys cutting deeply into the Hindu Kush ridges of north western Pakistan, dwells a small population of about 3,000 souls: the Kalasha. They are called Kafirs (Arab \"pagan\") by their Muslim neighbors for their stubborn refusal to convert to Islam. This group is unique in being the only IndoEuropean culture that was not absorbed by any of the great religious systems centered on urban civilization that inspire the philosophy and social organization of all other IndoEuropean people: Christianity, Islam, Bhuddism, Hinduism and, to a lesser extent, Zoroastrianism and Jainism. As Kalasha culture is described elsewhere (Alberto Cacopardo 1974, 1985; Augusto Cacopardo 1974; Borriello 1974) this article introduces a ritual rich in suggestive implications: the great festival of the winter solstice called Chaumos. The survival of Kalasha culture into the present is due in part to a historic accident. When, on November 12th, 1893, the Durand line defined the border between Afghanistan and the British empire (Caroe 1973:381), the Kalasha became British subjects and thus avoided forced conversion to Islam by the Amir of Kabul. On the other side of the border dwelt a large group of Kafir tribes who spoke five different languages and shared a common culture and a polytheistic religion (Robertson 1896; Budruss 1960; Jones 1967, 1974; Jettmar 1986). Kalasha culture, although not identical, was undoubtedly similar despite marked language differences (Fussman 1972:391; Morgenstierne 1961, 1965, 1973; Strand 1973). The Kafir tribes in Afghanistan were soon after 1893 forcibly converted despite their fierce resistance (Jones 1974), while the less numerous Kalasha, under British rule were allowed to continue practicing the religion of their forefathers. Their Muslim neighbors continually exerted protelytizing pressures, and succeeded in converting a percentage of the Kalasha to Islam. This gradual process of conversion is still going on. The three Kalasha valleys, at an altitude of about 2,500 meters, have been recently joined to the main Chitral valley by jeep roads, but until about ten years ago they were only accessible on foot. Kalasha economy is largely a subsistence economy based on animal husbandry and agriculture. Some items, like tea, sugar, or cotton cloth, are bought or traded at the main Chitral bazaar. Money has started to play a significant role only in the last few years. Kalasha agriculture is poor and the variety of products extremely limited (wheat, maize, millet, barley, and a few vegetables and fruits). Although men participate by taking upon themselves some of the heaviest duties like plowing and harvesting, the everyday tending of the fields, involving irrigation, and the manipulation of crops is left entirely to the women. Animal husbandry centers on goat herding which is entirely the work of men. Women are not allowed in the goat sheds, usually located above the","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1989-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115521619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 10