Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology最新文献

{"title":"Amish factionalism and technological cahnge: a case study of kerosen refrigerators and conservatism","authors":"Dachang Cong","doi":"10.2307/3773527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773527","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes how bitter strife over technological change led to the ousting of Bishop Elmer through due process as recognized and implemented by the Amish. It examines how the Amish and their church leaders in Clear Brook viewed the event and responded to the circumstance that brought down Bishop Elmer. The case study is intended to be a contribution to the better understanding of conflict, conflict management, and the process of faction formation. In order to analyze these dimensions for this case, it is necessary to first outline the several levels of social and religious group formation among the Amish in Clear Brook, and describe their relationships with a neighboring Amish community in southern Michigan. Finally, we need to appreciate that the Amish, while preferring to insulate themselves from American society, nonetheless are subject to exogenous forces, especially economic ones, over which they have limited control. CHURCH DISTRICTS AND LEADERS IN CLEAR BROOK","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116939362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Households and villages: the political-ritual structures of Tai communities","authors":"N. Tannenbaum","doi":"10.2307/3773530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773530","url":null,"abstract":"Villages seem natural units with an internal coherence that binds their members together. This perception in anthropology comes from the earlier functional theoretical orientation that produced classic ethnographies of villages. We thus regard household clusters as villages or hamlets. The question of what these clusters may mean to the people who inhabit them remains unexamined, however. In mainland Southeast Asia there is a wide range of possibilities in the meaning of clusters of households. In some, markers seem to provide some reality to the concept of village as a unit: fences; gates; and additional nonhousehold structures such as temples and spirit altars. Periodically there may be rituals demarcating the community as a whole, closing it off to outsiders. When these exist it seems reasonable to talk about the village as a unit. What does MvillageH mean with other clusters of households where none of these markers may exist? In order to understand what we label as villages, we need to first look at households and relations among households that constitute these clusters. The theoretical range is from households that are separate units, existing by themselves with no relations to other households or larger collections of people, to places where households have little independent reality and the village or other groupings are the major organizational forms. In mainland Southeast Asia neither extreme exists; villages have some ethnographic reality and usually people prefer to live in clusters of households for protection or enjoyment of social interactions. There are isolated households, but those I know of are families in the slow process of moving, with stops to farm and renew stores along the way. This essay explores the ways lowland Tai2 groups use rituals to mark the autonomy of households and incorporate them into villages and larger regional groups. After describing the ritual features associated with Tai households, villages, and supra-village groups, the political-religious organization for three Tai groups is examined for an explanation of what village might mean.","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121218471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Taiwan Factions: Guanxi, Patronage, and the State in Local Politics","authors":"Joseph Bosco","doi":"10.4324/9781315485171-12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315485171-12","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127177268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Celebrations of bureaucracy: birthday parties in israeli kindergartens","authors":"L. Shamgar-Handelman, D. Handelman","doi":"10.2307/3773686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773686","url":null,"abstract":"In the early world of the Israeli Jewish child, the kindergarten is the dominant molder of experiences beyond the intimacy of the family. The kindergarten initiates the lengthy process by which child is turned into citizen, in large measure through the state system of education. Between the ages of two and six, the great bulk of Israeli Jewish children attend kindergarten on a weekday basis throughout the school year (Shamgar-Handelman 1990). Within the kindergarten, the child participates frequently in two sorts of event that practice aspects of an ethos of statism and citizenship. One that we addressed elsewhere (Shamgar-Handelman and Handelman 1986) is the celebration of annual national and traditional holidays. The other is the birthday party, a celebration of age. In that earlier essay we argued that the implicit designs and practices of these holiday occasions operate to shift the allegiance of the little child from a social order within which the only hierarchy is that of the family to one dominated by the civil collectivity, within which the family is allocated a subordinate place. This shift in the child's perception of hierarchy [however it is accomplished in different social orders] is crucial to the reproduction, from generation to generation, of the hegemony of the modern state. In this essay we discuss the pervasive motif of the birthday party, that of exact age. Ostensibly the party celebrates age for the sake of the personal maturity of the child. The child's passage from one numerical age to another is constructed to mark his growth and ongoing socialization into the norms of the collectivity (Weil 1986).1 Although less obvious, we argue that the birthday party designs experiences of age and ageing that prepare the child for his participation in the bureaucratic ethos of the state. We will discuss three prominent, implicit messages of age and ageing in the birthday party. One is the individuation of the birthday child in terms of a cultural taxonomy of time, that of age, which momentarily fragments the self according to temporal categories. Another is the child's reclassification from one age category to another, in accordance with this taxonomy of time. The third emphasizes the experiencing of time as continuity, for categories of age are shown also to be one's personal past, present, and future. The birthday party inculcates the youngster into a taxonomy of time. This perspective stems from three premises. First, all social order depends for its coherence on systems of social classification. Second, in the modern state, ideas of exact age are \"good to think,\" in Levi-Strauss's terms; for they are integral to frameworks of classification used to create social order (Musgrove and Middleton 1981:53). Third, modern bureaucracies invent social taxonomies and apply them","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134476165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"An Expression of Cultural Change: Invisible Converts to Protestantism Among Highland Guatemala Mayas","authors":"Liliana R. Goldín, Brent Metz","doi":"10.2307/3773688","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773688","url":null,"abstract":"The process of religious conversions to Protestantism is widespread and rapid in the underdeveloped world, and the numbers in Latin America are especially significant (Stoll 1990). It affects urban and rural peoples of varied cultural and ecological backgrounds. Often, major economic changes are either attributed or related to the significant ideological shift associated with religious conversion. The nature of the changes taking place as individuals or families convert is complex. In Latin America, and particularly in Guatemala, people may convert for reasons as varied as the popularity of a Protestant political leader (president Rios Mont), an earthquake, and the ongoing violence (Annis 1987). Nash (1960) found alcoholism to be one of the major reasons for conversions, and refers to Protestantism as the Alcoholics Anonymous of Maya Indians. Economic (Redfield 1962; Wasserstrom 1976; Brintnall 1979), political (Falla 1980), and social reasons (Reina and Schwartz 1974) have been cited as the basis for conversion to Protestantism in the area. Some scholars have pointed to the tendency of studies to provide limited attention to experience, discourse analysis, and other processes of identity change within which conversion may be understood (Heirich 1977; Snow and Machalek 1984; Taylor 1976). Historical accounts of Protestantism's introduction to Latin American countries (i.e., Garrard Burnett 1990; Stoll 1990; Rose and Brower 1990) elaborate on the type of discourse that different denominations use in their missionary enterprises, often through development or education projects. The association of economic development through progress and modernization with Protestantism has been explicit in the teachings of Protestant missionaries and writers (Dennis 1906) and the social and economic benefits of associating with Protestants is emphasized by numerous recent studies (e.g., Tapp 1989; Manning 1980; Green 1978). In the case of western Guatemala discussed below, the connections of trade, capitalization, and conversion are apparent. As suggested, the reasons for conversion are complex, and while their identification is important, so are the implications of the rapid change and the way in which it is taking place (Scotchmer 1986). The rate of religious change highlights the deeper changes that are taking place at all levels of society and may indirectly affect further changes. The impressive showing of Protestant candidates in the national elections of 1990 is significant, as it reflects the continuation of conservative trends within a framework of North American, free market, and modernization discourse in the midst of repression. The new political alliances often overlap with religious and economic interests that presently serve the interests of relatively few Mayan","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132759130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Skin color, race and racism in Nicaragua","authors":"R. Lancaster","doi":"10.2307/3773689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773689","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125496600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Selako male initiation","authors":"W. M. Schneider, M. Schneider","doi":"10.2307/3773636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773636","url":null,"abstract":"The detailed description and analysis of religious rituals is the very stuff of ethnography. Moreover, in a world still enriched by a few traditional societies not yet enmeshed in the universalistic world religions, we should not neglect present opportunities to explore a diversity that will be unavailable to later generations, who will wonder at our lack of foresight. Detailed examination of rituals that are fast disappearing should be a primary task of the anthropologist. Boas recognized this almost a century ago and made it a key justification of his program for American Indian ethnography, but modern anthropology neglects what in the past has been seen as a principal task of ethnography. The ritual the Selako Dayak call basunat is of central importance in their culture.1 Basunat accomplishes the all-important status transformation of boys into adult men. It expresses and reaffirms the Selako construction of the nature of the world and the Selako place in the world. The symbolism of basunat ritual informs our understanding of the essential differences Selako make between maleness and femaleness. Through the ritual boys are made aware of those qualities that separate boys from men and males from females. Basunat allows a statement of the household's position in village society and provides an important opportunity to enhance or maintain the household's rank in the society at large. Selako culture is rich in ritual performance, but there are few rituals more intense, dramatic, or expensive than basunat. Our understanding of the basunat ritual derives from both the symbolic and social domains. Attention to the social context in which the actors move illuminates the meanings of the ritual itself and the symbols of rank and position that the actors manipulate. Our concern with symbolism leads us to look for binary oppositions and to relate those oppositions to other symbolic formulations in Selako culture. Turner (1964) directs us to look for the ways in which ritual moves boys into men and transforms society. Following Geertz (1965) we attend to how ritual symbols encapsulate world view or ethos and organize the lives and behavior of actors.","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1991-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131455213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"BARGAINING FOR GENDER IDENTITY: LOVE, SEX, AND MONEY IN AN ISRAELI MOSHAV*","authors":"Rahel R. Wasserfall","doi":"10.2307/3773602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773602","url":null,"abstract":"The study of gender and culture change in an Israeli village of Moroccan Jewish immigrants reveals a paradox: although women accept men's definition of the honorable female, one which limits women's activities to the private sphere, women challenge this definition at least on the issue of employment outside the home. In other words, women accept the ideal image of Women conveyed by their culture, but they do not accept the behavior this ideal demands. Examination of what it means to be a man or a woman in the village and how the notion of limit manifests itself in these meanings can shed light on this paradox. During one year (1983) of participant observation and extensive interviewing, I gathered data on all the married couples (46) of a small community in a co-operative village (moshav) in Israel. The first moshavim (agricultural co-operatives) were founded by settlers who emigrated from Eastern Europe (Ashkenazim) in the 1920s.2 As kibbutzim, they were based on a zionist-socialist ideology but each family lived in its own house and worked its own plot of land. Co-operation was the central idea of this organization. Even today the means of production are collectively bought and each member-unit sells its product through the collective. The moshav as a legal entity organizes loans to its members, which are repaid to the community. The moshav is governed democratically through general meetings, where each family (as a unit) has one vote. Decisions are taken by a majority vote. An elected committee of five members deals with daily problems. The moshav I studied was categorized as economically unviable and lost its political independence. The leadership is now appointed by outside agencies and consists of five persons, only one of whom is a member of the moshav. More than half of the men earn their living outside while the women and the teenagers are in charge of the main economic feature, the chicken coops. Of its 50 families, 46 are \"old timers\" who settled here during the 1950s and four are \"new corners.\" The old timers are composed of 20 older families and 26 \"families of sons\" (second generation). The newcomers settled in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Most (80 per cent) of the old timer families are from Morocco, the other 20 per cent derive from Tunis, Iraq, and Yemen. The newcomers, Ashkenazim, were settled to economically redeem the collectivity by adding wealthier families. They hold different values regarding honor and identity, which incites conflicts among the villagers. In this article, I focus on male and female identity as defined by separate but complementary gender-based concepts of honor, the behaviors that stem from these concepts, and the bargaining that men and women do to resolve","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131636395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"The emergence of virtual groups","authors":"K. Stephenson","doi":"10.2307/3773599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773599","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes how groups emerge out of collective activity and explains the institutional processes that lead to the development of group activity embedded within existing institutional settings. It describes the formation of virtual groups by using divergent social settings as examples (SOFTEK, a modern industrial corporation [Stephenson 1990], and the Namabeya, a nonindustrialized community) to emphasize the applicability of this model to a variety of contexts. Many of the views about group emergence, its role in organizational change and its impact on corporate and community life are derived from extant ethnographic descriptions of classical anthropological settings. In this regard, the seminal fieldwork of Gulliver (1963, 1971, 1977, 1979) among the Ndendeuli of Africa is used to illustrate the relevance and utility of the model. Additionally, I present the work of eighteen months of participant observation in a New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) high-technology firm to which I have given the pseudonym, SOFTEK. Behavioral studies typically recognize the importance of ad hoc formations within institutional settings (Mintzberg 1979, 1983). Of particular interest is the ad hoc corporate group. \"Adhocracy,\" a term coined by Bennis (1966) is an institutional structure that sustains the formation of corporate groups that are temporary by design. Such groups are highly suited for the performance of complex, innovative and uncertain tasks in turbulent environments (Galbraith 1971, 1974, 1977; Davis and Lawrence 1977, Kolodny 1981; Kanter 1983). I will illustrate how corporate groups coalesce around paradigmatic anomaly or cultural innovations. In so doing, these groups emerge and develop in an ad hoc manner and occasionally assume a life of their own?far exceeding the expectations of the individuals tangentially or centrally involved in the group. Paradoxically, the very presumption of perpetuity is antithetical to the ad hoc manner by which such groups initially emerge. In this sense, an ad hoc group may be considered \"virtually\" powerful because it is a dialectical reaction to generalized collective activity. This understanding of a virtual group is very different from traditional typologies of corporate groups (Smith 1974, 1978; Weber 1964, 1968; Mackenzie 1986; Mintzberg 1979,1983) and generic process studies (Moore 1975; Bourdieu 1977). Here, I develop and discuss a generative mechanism of how corporate groups evolve from collective activity. I focus on the institutional factors in the social organization of these groups as they materially bear upon group autonomy and are differentially invoked according to the specifics of situations. Incipient corporate groups are called virtual groups as they are mobile strategic positions within an existing institutional structure. As such,","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124870129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"BIG MEN AS ANCESTORS: INSPIRATION AND COPYRIGHTS ON TANNA (VANUATU)","authors":"L. Lindstrom","doi":"10.2307/3773601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/3773601","url":null,"abstract":"Some Melanesian big men grow even bigger after they die, if political size is measured by reputation. Big man stature, in different parts of Melanesia, depends on an assortment of achieved or inherited resources and talents (Lindstrom 1981a). All big men, however, whatever the particulars of their authority, possess a personal reputation or \"name.\" As Oliver (1955:399) has noted of the status, \"having high rank means having renown.\" This renown, in some cases at least, can endure and even increase years after a big man's demise.1 Dead leaders, obviously, can no longer arrange the feasts or deliver the speeches that \"establish relations of loyalty and obligation on the part of a number of people such that their production can be mobilized for renownbuilding. . .\" (Sahlins 1963:291). Even so, the reputations of some big men continue to expand throughout a community long after their bodily dissolution. People continue to evoke their names, to commune with their shades, and to expect their ongoing intervention in everyday affairs. This article describes the life and times of Tomi (Thomas) Nampas, a big man of the cultic sort who built a name as a purveyor of talk about John Frum. John Frum is a spiritual messenger who first appeared in the late 1930s on Tanna, an island of southern Vanuatu.2 Nampas helped create an organization of John Frum believers, headquartered at Ipikil village on Sulphur Bay, that continues to be active nearly 25 years after his death. The article also pursues Nampas into the afterworld. It reviews the local cosmological and, more particularly, the epistemological constructs by virtue of which Nampas, the big man, gets promoted to Nampas, the ancestor. Nampas's name retains currency today throughout Tanna. People within the John Frum organization sing his praises each Friday, the cult sabbath. Numerous John Frum hymns record and celebrate Nampas's fame, as does this translated example:","PeriodicalId":123584,"journal":{"name":"Ethnology: An international journal of cultural and social anthropology","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1990-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115635952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}