Constitutional commentary最新文献

筛选
英文 中文
The Reality Principle 现实原则
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/springerreference_180483
Lawrence G. Sager, N. Tebbe
{"title":"The Reality Principle","authors":"Lawrence G. Sager, N. Tebbe","doi":"10.1007/springerreference_180483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1007/springerreference_180483","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"34 1","pages":"171-192"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"52913390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Constitutional Marriage of Personality and Impersonality: Office, Honor, and the Oath 人格与非人格的宪法婚姻:公职、荣誉与誓言
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2018-06-02 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3189458
P. Horwitz
{"title":"The Constitutional Marriage of Personality and Impersonality: Office, Honor, and the Oath","authors":"P. Horwitz","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3189458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3189458","url":null,"abstract":"This short piece is written for a symposium on Randy J. Kozel’s 2017 book Settled Versus Right: A Theory of Precedent. It is part of a larger project on honor, oaths, and the Constitution. One key element of Kozel’s book is its identification of “impersonality” as a central good served by precedent. Assuming impersonality to be such a good, one can recognize that it is a hard goal to achieve in the face of contrary pressures. A source of motivation, energy, and agency is needed to fuel the judge’s efforts to achieve impersonality. \u0000In our constitutional culture, a troika of three interrelated concepts or institutions provides this motivation: The office, honor, and the oath. Together, they provide a sense of duty and constraint in filling a specific office; a sense of honor that encourages the office-holder to fulfill that duty, by creating both a desire to be well-regarded by one’s peers and an internalized sense that one ought to behave in a way that merits high regard; and, through the oath, a connection between the individual and the office, and between the office-holder and the commitment to act honorably in office. In short, this troika provides a deeply personal wellspring for the commitment to “impersonality” in judicial office. \u0000The argument here should be seen as part of a larger set of recent efforts in public law to focus on the nature and duties of the office-holder him- or herself, and not just on an impersonal system in which the office-holder and his or her duties and character are incidental. Some of this work focuses on the oath; some of it focuses on the fiduciary nature of public office; and some focuses on the character and virtue of public officials. This work is not confined to American scholarship and, although it has been given a push by recent events, substantially predates the current administration. It deserves attention as a stream of public law scholarship with varied approaches but, speaking in broad terms, a common focus.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"134 1-2","pages":"343-353"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41286885","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Originalist Theory and Precedent: A Public Meaning Approach 原旨主义理论与先例:一种公共意义的方法
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2018-03-29 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3165050
Lawrence B. Solum
{"title":"Originalist Theory and Precedent: A Public Meaning Approach","authors":"Lawrence B. Solum","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3165050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3165050","url":null,"abstract":"This Article provides some introductory thoughts about the relationship between originalist constitutional theory and the proper role of precedent in the American judicial system. The development of these thoughts begins in Part I, which provides a brief introduction to originalism and its principle rival, which is sometimes called “living constitutionalism.” Part II describes the problem of precedent for originalism, emphasizing that the nature of the problem depends in part on our understanding of precedent. Part III offers some reflections on the question as to the constitutional status of the doctrine of horizontal stare decisis in the United States Supreme Court. \u0000 \u0000The Article advances two central claims. First, precedent has a role to play in the transition to originalism. Because an originalist \"big bang\" is not feasible, originalists should embrace a transitional role for precedent on the road from the status quo to a constitutional jurisprudence that is fully consistent with the original meaning of the constitutional text. Second, precedent has a role to play within originalist jurisprudence with respect to questions where the original meaning is not clear: in such cases, an originalist jurisprudence could incorporate a principle that the settled meaning of the clause should prevail until there is substantial consensus that another meaning is correct. \u0000 \u0000In addition, the article discusses the question whether the doctrine of stare decisis is consistent with the original public meaning of the constitutional text. Rather than offering conclusions, the point of this discussion is to outline methods and principals that should guide the originalist inquiry.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"33 1","pages":"451-470"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.3165050","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45766042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Taking Legitimacy Seriously: A Return to Deontology 认真对待合法性:回归道义论
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2017-09-22 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3209155
Eric Heinze
{"title":"Taking Legitimacy Seriously: A Return to Deontology","authors":"Eric Heinze","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3209155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3209155","url":null,"abstract":"Opponents of hate speech bans commonly suggest that messages can enjoy full freedom of expression, but government may nevertheless legitimately regulate the manner of expression. That is often true, as with adjusting noise volumes or preventing litter. However, hate speech bans always impose penalties solely on the basis of offensive or provocative viewpoints, and therefore can never plausibly be called regulations of the sheer manner of expression.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"32 1","pages":"631-650"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41550122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
Family Reunification and the Security State 家庭团聚与安全国家
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2017-02-02 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2910489
Kerry Abrams
{"title":"Family Reunification and the Security State","authors":"Kerry Abrams","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2910489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2910489","url":null,"abstract":"The right to family unity and the government’s power over immigration have had a shifting and complex relationship to one another. This essay traces the history of this relationship, exploring the major shifts and upheavals. It argues that family rights and the federal immigration power have had three very different relationships over time. In the first period, family rights were robust but extra-constitutional, a bedrock assumption of how American democracy operated. Regardless of whether the nation was in a mode of conquest and expansion (and therefore encouraged migration), or in a mode of restriction (actively circumscribing immigration), family relationships were assumed by courts, administrators, and citizens to be important enough that they could override the state’s interest in regulating its borders. In the second period, which began roughly with the quota system in the 1920s and continued roughly through the 1980s, courts shifted to conceiving family rights and the immigration power as conflicting with one another, and when pressed they usually found that the government’s interest in restricting immigration and protecting its borders outweighed the interests of individual families in reuniting. Most recently, as family law itself has become “constitutionalized,” a new understanding is emerging, whereby individual family members have a constitutionally protected interest in their relationships, and the state’s national security and border regulation interests are recognized still as significant but must be balanced with these interests.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"32 1","pages":"247-280"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2910489","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49169717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Objects of Interpretation 解释对象
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2016-06-22 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2809914
R. Ekins
{"title":"Objects of Interpretation","authors":"R. Ekins","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2809914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2809914","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that the central object of constitutional interpretation is the Constitution, which is an intentional lawmaking act rather than a text floating free in the world, and that the point of such interpretation is primarily to understand the meaning that those who made the Constitution intended to convey by promulgating the text in question. The paper develops these claims by way of a critique of Cass Sunstein’s recent argument that there is nothing that interpretation just is, contending that he misunderstands the way that intention works in language use in general and that the alternatives to intentionalism that he outlines each fail. The radical interpretive choice for which he argues is ruled out by the nature of the Constitution. The final part of the paper considers the various ways in which one might understand the Constitution as an object requiring interpretation and outlines the significance that this understanding has for interpretive practice.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"32 1","pages":"1-25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2809914","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68342819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 9
Me the People 我是人民
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2016-05-11 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2778898
J. Mazzone
{"title":"Me the People","authors":"J. Mazzone","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2778898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2778898","url":null,"abstract":"This essay is a contribution to a symposium on Randy Barnett’s book, Our Republican Constitution: Securing the Liberty and Sovereignty of We the People (2016). The essay focuses on Barnett’s treatment of courts. On the one hand, Barnett complains, judicial decisions of the past produced a dangerous consolidation of governmental power and truncated rights. On the other hand, fixing the problem — restoring a “republican” constitution — requires highly motivated judges to keep power in check and promote rights. These two impulses are in tension and, at least without additional work on both the diagnostic and remedial sides, appear incompatible. The root of the tension is Barnett’s failure to perceive the inherent limits to judicial recognition of expansive constitutional rights when judicial power itself is consolidated. Barnett celebrates dispersed legislative and executive power as a means for states and localities to adopt different regulatory programs, with variation triggering citizen foot voting. He complains that such experimentation has become more difficult with legislative and executive powers increasingly concentrated at the national level because the end result is a one-size-fits-all regulatory scheme. Yet Barnett does not extend the same analysis to the courts, where a one-size-fits-all judicial scheme is equally problematic for Barnett’s constitutional vision. Consolidated judicial power, where ultimate authority rests in the Supreme Court of the United States, does not serve well to generate expansive rights for “We the People.” It is even less suited to Barnett’s own individualistic version of rights — a sort of “Me the People” — in which, he says, each of us is sovereign and courts exist to vindicate our own personal liberties. Barnett’s suggestion that courts really will get things right once they are stacked with originalist judges (and a few constitutional amendments are ratified) is a hypothesis unlikely to be tested anytime soon. In the interim, Barnett’s program could find hope in unexpected places: the jurisprudential approaches of Justices John Paul Stevens and Sonia Sotomayor point to a role for courts that would better promote experimentation and protect more securely individual rights along the lines Barnett himself advocates.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"31 1","pages":"143-174"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68314004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 20
'Frightening and High': The Supreme Court’s Crucial Mistake About Sex Crime Statistics “可怕而高”:最高法院对性犯罪统计的关键错误
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2015-09-16 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2616429
I. M. Ellman, T. Ellman
{"title":"'Frightening and High': The Supreme Court’s Crucial Mistake About Sex Crime Statistics","authors":"I. M. Ellman, T. Ellman","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2616429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2616429","url":null,"abstract":"This brief essay reveals that the sources relied upon by the Supreme Court in Smith v. Doe, a heavily cited constitutional decision on sex offender registries, in fact provide no support at all for the facts about sex offender re-offense rates that the Court treats as central to its constitutional conclusions. This misreading of the social science was abetted in part by the Solicitor General’s misrepresentations in the amicus brief it filed in this case. The false “facts” stated in the opinion have since been relied upon repeatedly by other courts in their own constitutional decisions, thus infecting an entire field of law as well as policy making by legislative bodies. Recent decisions by the Pennsylvania and California supreme courts establish principles that would support major judicial reforms of sex offender registries, if they were applied to the actual facts.These final corrected page proofs are identical to the published version.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"30 1","pages":"495-508"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68226530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 19
Corporate Democracy from Say on Pay to Say on Politics 企业民主从薪酬话语权到政治话语权
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2015-06-26 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2572528
Ciara Torres-Spelliscy
{"title":"Corporate Democracy from Say on Pay to Say on Politics","authors":"Ciara Torres-Spelliscy","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2572528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2572528","url":null,"abstract":"The President of the Business Roundtable once infamously said that “corporations were never designed to be democracies…” American courts respectfully disagree and have repeatedly held that the democratic rights of shareholders are sacrosanct. The context for the Business Roundtable President’s comment was the battle over say on pay — a battle the Business Roundtable lost in the United States with the passage of the financial reform legislation known as Dodd-Frank. As I will explain in this piece, courts’ robust conception of corporate democracy rights for shareholders should protect both shareholders’ ability to have a say on pay and say on politics. Say on pay is the practice in United States, among other nations, of mandating a non-binding shareholder vote on executive compensation at publicly traded firms. A shareholders’ say on politics does not yet exist in America. But theoretically, just as say on pay mandates shareholder democracy in the case of executive remuneration, say on politics would require shareholders to vote on corporate political spending. Binding say on politics votes already exist in the U.K. Critiques of say on pay and say on politics have been couched as constitutional objections based on either the Tenth or First Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. But at their heart, these objections seem less rooted in the text of the Constitution and more inspired by a cribbed conception of shareholders’ corporate voting rights. To untangle who has the stronger legal argument requires a review of how American courts have conceptualized “corporate democracy.” I conclude that as framed by key courts such as the U.S. Supreme Court, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and the Delaware state courts, “corporate democracy” is a capacious enough concept to justify both shareholders’ say on pay and say on politics.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"30 1","pages":"431-461"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2139/SSRN.2572528","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68209102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 14
The Dark Future of Constitutionalism 宪政的黑暗未来
Constitutional commentary Pub Date : 2015-03-19 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2580783
Dennis Patterson
{"title":"The Dark Future of Constitutionalism","authors":"Dennis Patterson","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2580783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2580783","url":null,"abstract":"This essay is a review of Alexander Somek’s book \"The Cosmopolitan Constitution\" (OUP, 2014). After summarizing the main argument of the book, the essay pursues two lines of criticism. First, it contends that Somek’s treatment of legal pluralism relies on an insufficiently articulated distinction between law and politics. Second, it maintains that Somek overstates the negative effects of global capitalism on nation-state democracy. The essay concludes that the future of constitutionalism is less dark than Somek would have it, but also – these criticisms notwithstanding – that this is a remarkable book that no one can ignore.","PeriodicalId":81001,"journal":{"name":"Constitutional commentary","volume":"30 1","pages":"667"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68212513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
相关产品
×
本文献相关产品
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术官方微信