{"title":"Pakistan's Trade Opportunities and Challenges with CARs:","authors":"Umar Khan","doi":"10.54418/ca-91.186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.186","url":null,"abstract":"Pakistan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan are struggling from lack of trade diversification and post COVID-19 economic woes. These issues can be addressed via regional cooperation and expansion into each other's markets. Pakistan’s new geo-economics ambition and efforts to reach out to Central Asian Republics (CARs) is gaining momentum, with Gwadar port being touted as the go to port for CARs. Pakistan has a lot to offer these countries in terms of being a reliable source of imports, as well as being the closest outlet for their ocean trade. Presently, issue of access via unstable Afghanistan remains a major challenge, which has been a regular point of academic discussion. However, there hasn't been much discourse on the challenges and opportunities that await Pakistan, once stability in Afghanistan is regained and physical access issues between CARs and Pakistan are resolved. This work employs limited quantitative analysis to examine trade potential and proposes practical solutions to barriers to trade that must be addressed if these countries wish to be more than pawns in the New Great Game.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85527616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Metaphor Used by the US as a Lethal Weapon of Mass Destruction against the Other for Pursuing Ulterior Motives","authors":"Siraj Khan, A. Khan","doi":"10.54418/ca-91.183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.183","url":null,"abstract":"To get access to the resources-rich central Asian states and to nip in the bud the state of Afghanistan, that had proclaimed itself under the Taliban regime to be a state run solely under the ideology and system of Islam- the next threat to The US after the socialism-the US, after the 9/11 incident, took resource to using the linguistic weapon of metaphor before and along the surgical strikes and managed to beset the thoughts of every individual on the globe. It was successfully used as a justification to approve finances from the US Parliament for mongering an uncalled for war, to enlist moral support of its citizens by means of instilling fear in them, to elicit active financial and personnel support of its European allies and to silence the international community from raising its voice against the attack. It is the domain of cognitive linguistic where these conceptual metaphor, or cognitive metaphor, are used to the understanding of one idea, or conceptual domain, in terms of another. This study focused on identifying the conceptual metaphors used in the War on Terror discourse for influencing opinion against the enemy and dehumanizing it. Metaphors are used in the conceptual domain of covering the false ideas of the US and influencing the world to manipulate and pursue their ulterior motives. There actual motive was to get the justified war on terror as legal and the only source of getting away with it. They influenced the world with their justified war on terror policy and gained their motives. ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80942513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Prohibition on Opium Poppy Cultivation in Afghanistan:","authors":"Taimur Khan","doi":"10.54418/ca-91.182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.182","url":null,"abstract":"Afghanistan is home to the largest illicit drug industry in the world. The depth, influence, and impact of its narco-economy remain unparalleled. Illicit drug production has become a dominant feature of Afghanistan’s landscape. The opium economy is pervasive and deeply entrenched. Afghanistan's opium economy has become the source of security rather than the state. Therefore, the degree of dependence on the opium economy has thus become unprecedented in the modern history of drug production. The dependence means any immediate attempt toward opium poppy prohibition/eradication will result in political and socioeconomic crises not only in Afghanistan but the transit states in the region as well. In context of narco-economy, this paper expostulate that the construction of security in traditional and nontraditional discourse are linear, i.e. detached from reality or suffers from moralistic constraint, and therefore, needs to be revisited in line with ground reality of Afghanistan and transit states at large. Deviating from conventional literature on drug-security nexus, the paper argues that a complete prohibition of poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is by far a larger security concern than its retention. This research paper, therefore, takes a cursory examination of the security implications and challenges that may ensue as a result of a diminished production capacity of Afghanistan’s opium economy either experienced through complete prohibition, eradication programs or through natural calamity.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81373571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Pakistan and Central Asian Republics: Cooperation and Opportunities -Trade and Energy corridors","authors":"Abai Zurdinov","doi":"10.54418/ca-91.180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.180","url":null,"abstract":"After the collapse of the Soviet Union, natural resource-rich Central Asia, located in the heart of Asia, became an arena of struggle for sphere of influence between global and regional players, the competition between which continues and affects the security situation in Central Asia. The purpose of this report is to identify the main problems and prospects of cooperation between Pakistan and Central Asia, including in the context of the current dynamics of the situation in Afghanistan. The following methods were used in the research of this topic: systemic, historical, comparative, and interdisciplinary approaches. The report examines the Pakistani factor and its peculiarities in Central Asia. An attempt was made to assess the Pakistani factor in Central Asia, the drivers of its policy and its changing role in recent years. The advantages and disadvantages of Pakistan in building its policy toward the countries of the Central Asian region are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to energy and transport-logistics cooperation between Islamabad and Central Asian countries.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90661391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Geo-Politics of Afghanistan under Taliban Regime:","authors":"Adam Saud, Muaz Ullah Khan","doi":"10.54418/ca-91.181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-91.181","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract \u0000 Taliban seized power in Kabul on 15th August 2021 after the abrupt pulling out of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan. Taliban assured international community about the human rights protection, women education, freedom of media, and no use of Afghan soil by terrorists against any other country. These assurances appraised international community not to oppose their regime. However, after more than a year has passed, future of Afghanistan is still uncertain. This study tries to analyse the geo-politics of Afghanistan after the fall of Kabul to Taliban. It tries to explore the reasons for non-confrontationist policies by the neighboring states as well as regional powers. Qualitative methodology with secondary sources has been used in this research. Findings of the research reveal that despite assurances by Taliban regime, Afghanistan is gradually plunging into the similar situation of 1990s. However, from regional integration perspective, there are high hopes that it can act as bridge between Central and South Asia and China with the Persian Gulf. Regional countries must contribute for the peace and development of Afghanistan by supporting the people of Afghanistan to decide their future. Afghanistan can either be a roundabout or a dead end street for the regional states that depends on the region’s policies towards it.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"34 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86552294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Test of Neoclassical Realism to Explain Reasons of U.S. Withdrawal (2021) from Afghanistan","authors":"A. Rashid, Anjum Gul","doi":"10.54418/ca-90.170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.170","url":null,"abstract":"Smithsonian magazine (Jan-Feb) 2019 edition published facts about U.S. military intrusion in 14 countries including Afghanistan, as a consequence of the 9/11, 2001 attacks on its soil. U.S. invasion and its following bleak strategy raise questions on the rationale of this decision because Afghanistan had never been that powerful and capable of posing a security threat to U.S. Foreign invasion and following withdrawal that is pledged to be completed 9/11, 2021 have its specific reasons as well as implications in the region that need to be explored. Hence, the pretext of military invasion on the territory of Afghanistan and maintaining it for two decades is not very strong. However, after this long military presence the U.S. finally decided to withdraw from the state that could be strategically important. Little scholarly work has been done to explain the reasons of withdrawal of superpower from a small country after a long-time presence. South Asia is one of the important regions to study for several reasons firstly considerable size of the region’s population, strategic location, contribution to the productive capacity of the world, and variations in political systems. The theory of neoclassical realism better explains the role of a domestic political system to distort the pursuit of security. It focuses on the behaviour of the United States in deciding on withdrawal. This study addresses a key research question that is, why the United States, being a superpower willingly withdraws its military presence from a much smaller country, Afghanistan that could have a strategic value.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79040096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Strategic Engagement as Means of Conflict Prevention: Pakistan’s Defence Diplomacy towards Russia","authors":"Raza Rehman Khan Qazi, S. Bashir","doi":"10.54418/ca-90.167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.167","url":null,"abstract":"In post-Cold War era, defence diplomacy as strategic engagement focuses on a state’s military and defence institutions for a peaceful, non-coercive role to build amicable and cooperative relations with former or potential rivals to prevent and resolve conflicts. This research article argues that Pakistan’s defence diplomacy towards Russia, a former Cold War adversary, has been geared towards reducing hostility and sources of friction to promote and achieve broader foreign policy objectives of Islamabad. It analyzes strategic engagement between Islamabad and Moscow in four categories of defence diplomatic activities: defence agreements, high level exchanges, joint military exercises and port calls. The article concludes that Pakistan’s defence diplomatic efforts (2014-2020) have produced political and strategic-level benefits to prevent conflict and reduce hostility with Russia. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"139 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84210459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"War on Terror and the United States Human Rights Violations in Afghanistan and Pakistan: An International Law Perspective","authors":"Mehmood Hussain","doi":"10.54418/ca-90.171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.171","url":null,"abstract":"The 9/11 attacks triggereda paradigm shift in the United States security policy, prioritizing to ensure homeland security and to fight against the terrorism in the new American strategy.The United States invasion of Afghanistan further ravaged the existing fragile state damaging the already crumbling socio-economic and human infrastructure. In addition, the spillover of war into Pakistan started a new era of instability and misery further complicating the socio-economic fabric of the country making it the most vulnerable to terrorism related incidents. The two decades prolonged conflict not only destroyed the economic, social, and political infrastructure in both states, meanwhile mass human rights violations have been committed by the coalition forces under the leadership ofthe United States. In this context, the present paper investigates human rights abuses through the prism of international human rights law. The study addresses the following questions. (a) To what extent the United States war against terror violates the international law of human rights, and how it helpsWashington to reconsolidate the regional hegemony. (b) Whetherthe war on terror improve the situation of human rights or further aggravate the conditions of civilians in targeted states. The studyunderlinesthat the war on terror failed to meet the merit of the right to intervene for self-defense, yet the coalition forces deliberately assimilatethe innocent civilians underthe vagueanti-terror war rhetoric. In addition, the war serves the United States hegemonic interests in South Asia, as the American presence in Afghanistan and the Indo-United States strategic partnership brought serious geopolitical implications for China and Pakistan.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72842955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Evolving Russo-Pak Entente-Cordiale: Challenges for the Future","authors":"Toheeda Begum","doi":"10.54418/ca-90.168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.168","url":null,"abstract":"Historically, the Russo-Pak relationship had aforeign policy context and a legacy that went through the historic eras of pre-partition Great Game between the British Indian and Czarist Empires,and the post-partition Cold War between the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the United States of America (USA).Pakistan on its creation sided with the American led West through Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) or Baghdad Pact, plus, the partnerships against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and in the War on Terror. The US military and financial aid and the support by the International and Asian financial institutions for Pakistan is decades old—albeit now with a friction over Afghanistan, Russia and China. Still, the transactional-cooperation remains over Afghanistan through the air-corridorthatis useful for Americans in many ways. American influence, assets and the air-corridor is a deadly mix in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban know thatthe drones, jets and aircrafts using the corridor take-off from and land at Qatar without ever landing in Afghanistan. Moreover, intelligence sharing is part of Pak-US operational cooperation with a possibility of a military base too. The context of Pak-US cooperation is the centuries old British era Frontier Policy. It remained until the American strategic withdrawal from Afghanistan. Therelationship since then has deteriorated and the perception of each other is not harmonious despite the tactical cooperation in Afghanistan. The reason is the strategic choices made by Pakistan and America lackingcongruence over China, Russia, Afghanistan and India.Theinteractive-arm-twisting of Pakistan is an indicator. The restis the detail of Pakistan’s New Frontier Policy.","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"136 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81362537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Deradicalization in Central Asia: A Critical Appraisal","authors":"Summar Iqbal Babar, Filza Ahmed Rizvi","doi":"10.54418/ca-89.159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54418/ca-89.159","url":null,"abstract":"The Central Asian region is currently facing a grave challenge of repatriation of IS-fighters which has posed a serious threat to its socio-economic and political structures. The repatriates also include women and children who may need to be assessed to determine whether they have been radicalized. As a response to these returnees, Central Asian States have structured a CVE which focuses on changing the narrative through religious education, rehabilitation, reintegration, and promoting civil society. This study investigates CVE measures in Central Asia to prevent recruitment to terrorist organizations, reduce the number of fighters from this region and further contain the threat of radicalization caused by the influx of repatriates returning from Syria and Iraq. This study is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the threats posed by the return of foreign fighters; the second part explains the various theoretical models to understand process of radicalization and practices for deradicalization and the last part evaluates different CVE measures in Central Asia to eradicate further radicalization and extremism. \u0000 \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":53489,"journal":{"name":"Central Asia and the Caucasus","volume":"65 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85760710","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}